Monday, January 31, 2011

Wayne Marshall: Kool Herc: A Biographical Essay



Kool Herc: A Biographical Essay

by Wayne Marshall

Author’s note: the following essay was originally published in a reference volume, Icons of Hip Hop. Citations should provide the following bibliographical info:

Marshall, Wayne. “Kool Herc.” In Icons of Hip Hop: An Encyclopedia of the Movement, Music, and Culture, ed. Mickey Hess, 1-26. (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 2007).


Few individuals can claim a life story that so closely parallels hip-hop’s narrative arc as Clive Campbell, better known as DJ Kool Herc. Often considered the movement’s founding father, an early participant in and innovator of the musical and cultural practices that have since swept the world, Kool Herc embodies hip-hop’s roots and routes, its booms and busts, its struggles and triumphs. From his childhood in Kingston, Jamaica to his coming-of-age in the Bronx, from his rise as a streetwise, peerless DJ to his decline in the wake of hip-hop’s new forms and commercial success, from his drug addiction in the 80s to his recent return as standard-bearer and spokesman, Herc’s tale can be read as a thread running through hip-hop history. Although his story has been told and retold and sold many times over, often making it difficult to extract the truth from the myths, the representations, and the press releases, Herc has been generous in granting interviews over the years, and his myriad recollections, as well as those of his peers, provide a strong outline for understanding his role as an architect and inventor, as one who forged so many of the forms we recognize today as hip-hop.

Trenchtown Rock: Clive Campbell’s Knotty Reggae Roots

Clive Campbell was born in 1955 in Kingston, Jamaica, the first of six children of Keith and Nettie Campbell. He spent his early childhood living in an area of the city known as Trenchtown, the same storied public housing scheme and “concrete jungle” that produced such reggae luminaries as Bob Marley, Peter Tosh, and Alton Ellis. Clive’s father worked as a foreman at Kingston Wharf garage — a respectable, working-class job that eventually allowed the Campbells to move to Franklyn Town, a lower-middle class neighborhood where the family had their own house and yard. It was while living in the government yard of Trenchtown, though, that Herc got his first taste of the powerful sound systems he would later emulate as a Bronx-based DJ.

Although Herc has at times denied the influence of Jamaican-style DJing on his own performance practice, arguing that the Bronx audiences he played for demanded a more local style, he has also acknowledged how being a witness to Kingston sound system dances deeply informed his sense of the power of music and of the DJ in particular — not to mention his sense of what was cool (e.g., suavely-dressed, well-respected gangsters and rebellious, ratchet-knife-wielding rude boys), as much as that may have had to be recalibrated upon moving to the Bronx. When asked about his musical influences by a reporter for the Jamaica Observer (Jackson 2004), Herc broke from his typical list of American performers and disc jockeys and instead named such Jamaican greats as Prince Buster, Don Drummond, the Skatalites, Big Youth, U-Roy, and sound system pioneer, Clement “Coxsone” Dodd.

It was at these dances — or just outside of them (since, due to his age, he often had to settle for spying through holes in the zinc fences that enclosed the dancehalls) — where young Clive got his first glimpses of sound system culture. He would watch the sound systems’ crews wheel in speakers and amplifiers on hand carts, the vendors set up their wares and stew up some curry goat, the gangsters and rude boys and dancehall queens strut their stuff before passing through the gate. But then, seeing was often less important than hearing the sound systems at work — and one need not have gotten too close to hear the selectors and DJs do their thing. Whether Clive was sitting just over the fence or in his family’s home down the road, there was no avoiding the engulfing sonic presence of the neighborhood dance. His body vibrating along with the heavy bass and his ears tickled by the well-designed systems’ crisp highs and clear mid-range frequencies, he developed a taste for the power and clarity of sound produced by the systems’ custom-crafted components. Later, seeking to reproduce this aesthetic with his own system in the Bronx, Herc would distinguish himself from his contemporaries and vanquish his rivals.

Beyond hearing the sound of the systems, of course, Clive also heard the music they played, as well as their style of playing it. It is worth noting that Clive left Jamaica before the term “reggae” gained currency and before the style that it describes emerged from rocksteady, the soul-infused, balladeer tradition that followed ska’s lead out of American influences and into a distinctive Jamaican synthesis of foreign and familiar styles. So the music that Clive would have heard emanating from the dancehalls in his youth comprised a mix of exciting, new local forms — often infused with the ebullience of independence, granted in 1962 — and imported favorites, especially soul and R&B sides. Although Jamaican popular music increasingly expressed a localized aesthetic over the course of the 1960s, cover versions of American pop songs remained staples of the local recording industry, stylistic nods to rock, soul, and R&B abounded, and the sounds of black America never totally fell out of favor in the dancehalls, though foreign-produced records no longer constituted the bulk of the sound system repertory as they had in the 1950s. Indeed, sound system performance practice, for all its uniqueness, can itself be traced to so-called foreign sources — in particular to African-American singers and disc jockeys. (Though one might ask, given the prevailing cultural politics of the day, what would be considered “foreign” from a Pan-Africanist or Black Power perspective?)

Read the Full Essay @ Wayne&Wax

Saturday, January 29, 2011

Why Low Performing Schools Need Digital Media


from The Huffington Post

Why Low Performing Schools Need Digital Media
by S. Craig Watkins

When the social and digital media revolution gained momentum at the dawn of the new millennium, no one would have predicted that less than a decade later black and Latino youth would be just as engaged as their white, Asian, and more affluent counterparts. Across a number of measures -- use of mobile phones and gaming devices, social network sites, and the mobile web -- young blacks and Latinos are beginning to outpace their white counterparts. For years the dominant narrative related to race and technology in the U.S. pivoted around the question of access. Today, the most urgent questions pivot around participation and more specifically, the quality of digital media engagement among youth in diverse social and economic contexts.

Picture this: In the very near future the population in many of the major metropolitan areas in the U.S. will be significantly shaped by young Latinos and African Americans. A recent estimate from the 2010 U.S. Census data finds that U.S. Latinos make up nearly 25 percent of the U.S. population under age 20. The median ages for Latinos and African Americans is, respectively, 26 and 30. This is compared to a median age of 39 among non-Latino whites. Forty-five percent of children younger than five in the U.S. belong to non-white groups. The population that public schools educate in America will reflect these seismic demographic shifts.

Virtually all of those Latino and African American teens will have access to more information and data in their pockets than any brick and mortar school or library currently provides. Many already hold access to a rich array of information in their hands today. However, most teens use mobile phones as social, recreational, and entertainment devices. This is especially true among black and Latino youth who use their mobile phones to watch videos, play games, and listen to music at rates that dwarf their white counterparts. But what if young people were encouraged to view their mobile phones, cameras, and iPods as learning devices and tools for critical citizenship and engagement in their communities?

This is actually happening in a surging number of community centers, after school programs, and media education initiatives. These community leaders, technology educators, and social entrepreneurs view kids mobile lives as a starting point to engage, explore, and experiment with the world around them. The work that Lissa Soep is doing with Youth Radio is a great example of an innovative learning ecology where student interest in media technologies is connected to local challenges. Unfortunately, learning experiences like these are rare in the schools that most young people attend.

Every day, a majority of black and Latino youth walk into schools that are not equipped to engage them in any meaningful way. As one social studies teacher in a school populated by black and Latino students told me, "my colleagues have no idea of how tech savvy these kids are." In many of the low-performing schools that I have visited mobile is viewed less a learning tool and more as a source of teacher-student conflict. Mobile phones are treated as contraband to be controlled, policed, and ultimately, confiscated. This battle around the phone reflects a broader problem in low performing schools: the creation of a classroom environment marked by distrust and hostility.

A consistent finding in ethnographic studies of poor urban schools is the high level of mistrust and misunderstanding between students and their teachers. Students believe that teachers do not respect them. Teachers believe that students are often incapable of meaningful learning. Students and teachers lose. In the age of greater public accountability teachers are often penalized for low student performance. And in a world where 21st Century skills are vital for meaningful employment the frosty disposition of black and Latino students toward their teachers contributes to a widening achievement gap and soaring drop out rate.

Technology alone will not change what is happening in low-performing schools. But effective insertion of technology into the classroom might help break the ice that chills the relationship between students and teachers. Rather than spending their time and energy policing mobile phones what if teachers asked their students to pull out their devices to execute a class assignment. In a small experiment I conducted a few weeks ago we observed some interesting behaviors. We were curious to see how a group of ninth and tenth grade boys would respond to a new mobile gaming app that offers information and education related to substance abuse. Here is an excerpt of how I reported what we observed:

"The introduction of the gaming app via mobile devices transformed the classroom and learning environment that these students inhabit everyday. Learning became social, communal, collaborative, competitive, engaging, and, in their words, fun. Students voluntarily stated that a game like this should be incorporated into their health class. Doing so, the young student noted, would make the class more interesting and more fun."

My colleague, in a separate brief, also noted how the environment changed once we introduced the mobile devices:

"Immediately, the energy level in the room went up and the emotional intensity increased. The boys were animated, smiling, laughing, and talking together. Teams consulted on the best answer to each question, and then either celebrated their correct response or commiserated after their incorrect answers."

These students had never met us and yet after playing the game sat through a debriefing session and gave us rich feedback. Their mood was cooperative and friendly. Boys that may have generally been disinterested and detached were wide-eyed and vocal. We believe that the devices (and the pizza) helped create a very different environment, one in which learning, dialogue, and engagement occurred naturally.

The challenges facing low performing schools are complex and yet elements of the problem are easily identifiable. Low performing schools are filled with students who are simply not engaged or interested in learning. In their eyes school is a place where surveillance, harassment, and disrespect are daily occurrences. Inserting technology into an environment like this is a multi-faceted experiment involving not only the reinvention of learning but also the transformation of students' disposition toward their teachers and learning.

My point? The initial impact of technology in low performing schools may be simply to break the ice between resistant students and reluctant teachers. Until that ice is broken meaningful engagement and learning will never happen.

***

Follow S. Craig Watkins on Twitter: www.twitter.com/scraigwatkins

Pauli Murray: "To Buy the Sun"



from WUNC

"To Buy the Sun": New Play About the Life of Pauli Murray

In a poem called "Dark Testament," Durham author and activist Pauli Murray wrote "Freedom is a dream/Haunting as amber wine/Or worlds remembered out of time." Murray's dream of freedom for all people drove her to become an advocate for civil rights as early as the 1930s. Her pioneering spirit has been captured in a new stage production called "To Buy the Sun." Playwright Lynden Harris joins host Frank Stasio to talk about bringing Murray's story to the stage. Also joining the conversation are Chaunesti Webb Lyon and Brie Nash, the actors who appear in the production, and Barbara Lau, director of The Pauli Murray Project, an ongoing human rights program based in Durham.

Listen Here

Friday, January 28, 2011

Wither Twitter in Tunisia?



from Al Jazeera English

One of the questions many are now asking is what role social networking websites such as Facebook and Twitter played in helping Tunisian activists during the uprising in that country. Activists have said that while the fuel for the revolution came from popular sentiment, new technologies made it easier to organise and to create a sense of solidarity. Al Jazeera's Nazanine Moshiri reports from the Tunisian capital, Tunis.

I Want to be an Ethnic Studies Professor :)

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Thursday, January 27, 2011

Basic Black: A Conversation on Black Theater and "NEIGHBORS"







On this episode of Basic Black, a conversation about the Company One production of NEIGHBORS, by Branden Jacobs-Jenkins. The play is probably most noted for its minstrel characters (black actors in blackface) but it's primary focus is on issues of racism, classism, and identity.

Our panel: Latoyia Edwards, anchor, New England Cable News; Kim McLarin, assistant professor, writing, literature, and publishing, Emerson College; Phillip Martin, senior investigative reporter, 89.7 WGBH Radio; Summer Williams, director of NEIGHBORS; and Lisa Thompson, playwright and currently a fellow at the W.E.B. Du Bois Institute at Harvard University.

Black Twitter, Combating the New Jim Crow & the Power of Social Networking



Black Twitter, Combating the New Jim Crow & the Power of Social Networking
by Kyra D. Gaunt

"...i wanted to be a new person
and my rebirth was stifled not by the master
but the slave." - Nikki Giovanni

Statistics don't mean a damn thang! And being on Twitter cannot make a difference as a black person if ppl don't realize the potential of being publishers of not only content but also of thought leaderdship and opinion. Why have 3000 followers or even 300 if you don't USE your voice as a call to freedom, justice and democracy as a citizen in the United States? What does it even mean to be a citizen, if not a great one, if you cannot use the channels of access within your reach to broadcast when democracy and justice ISN'T WORKING as well as you like, if at all?

When Edison Research released their April 2010 Annual Twitter Usage Report that Twitter was disproportionately black with 24% participation, I wasn't surprised. (For perspective, we are only 12.9% or 39.6 million of the 307 million here in the U.S.) Black folk love to talk. But as an ethnic group--relative to the families and communities in which I have dwelled--as descendents of the forced inter- and intra- national migrations created by economic exploitation or Jim Crow disenfranchishment, our love of tweeting is connected to the embedded disadvantage we inherited. Nobody really listened to us and Twitter listens like it or not. We can now talk amongst ourselves in public. My tweets might be seen by people I follow and my followers which include celebrities, professors, students and politicians like my NY Senator Kristen Gillibrand. This is a new era of openness for black Twitterers from the UK to the US and the Netherlands, for instance.

But #BlackTwitter, as we have come to call ourselves in hashtagged tweets, is doing more or less what it does offline in the USA. We hear upsets about racism in the media through the grapevine, now our Twitter timeline, but rarely at a rate consistent with our numbers do we write letters to the directors of shows or distributors of films that offend us. We complain to the manager at Macy's but rarely put that ish in writing to be sure there is documentation in our files and theirs (plus its great fodder for nonfiction writing). In the past, we lived in a primarily oral and kinetic based world where songs and our bodies was all we had given we were once considered 3/5ths human. Being human means having a voice, a vote and the power to organize and demand justice.

The remnants of that voicelessness still sits in the back seat of our bus of expressive power but when Twitter came along it felt like a change to me. I could tweet out to @BillGates (and have). I could tweet to @nytimes and its reporters and have. I have tweeted with Ivanka Trump. Reached out to @llcoolj and more important to me, I can now tweet with all admired black intellectuals and professors who are on Twitter whom I would rarely would have had contact before Twitter. These people include @newblackman aka Mark Anthony Neal at Duke, @imaniperry at Princeton, @eddieglaude, @dumilewis, @mharrisperry aka Melissa Harris Perry of Princeton and an MSNBC contributor and many, many more. Black faculty are less than 3% of the entire professoriate in the United States so I value this mode of interaction that defies are separation we often experience as the only one in our department, division or school.

What prompted this post today? Or as many men I know would say, "what's the point?" Owning the power of the word as a blogger and a Twitter curator with a Ph.D. or a claim to being a TED Fellow. So here's the deal:

Yesterday I clicked a link in a tweet from my roommate @corvida about a black mother being convicted for sending her kids to a high-achieving school. Kelley Williams-Bolar was found guilty of two 3rd-degree felonies for falsifying RESIDENCY records in Ohio. I was appalled. She was caught sending her daughters to a high achieving school in the district where her kids' father lived rather than the schools near her subsidized housing. The judge actually wanted to give her two consecutive five-year sentences and reduced it to 10 days in prison and THREE YEARS on probation plus 80 hours of community service. WT..??! As a result of two felony convictions, Williams-Bolar is being denied completing her teacher training certification. A better job thwarted because she did what so many parents do all the time here in NYC.

This really struck me. I am currently reading in Michelle Alexander's brilliant NYTimes bestseller THE NEW JIM CROW: MASS INCARCERATION IN THE AGE OF COLORBLINDNESS (The New Press, 2010). Alexander opened my eyes to the fact that with a felony conviction in many states a person like Williams-Bolar will become permanently ineligible for any public assistance. She resides in subsidized housing in Ohio. Martha Stewart was not treated as badly. And even if you she was, Stewart could buy herself out of the disenfranchisement of being labeled a felon (and essentially did). Williams-Bolar cannot. Perhaps there is much more to this story but it seems that this was her first offense. What kind of democracy are we living in and under the administration of a black president? That should tell us something about the reality of our current democracy "of the people." If the new Jim Crow tactics are going to be instituted to criminalize a mother for doing a common violation in the name of "doing what's best for her children", why get an education? This is no liberty and death.

Hey Black Twitter!! No, correction. HEY TWITER!! HEY WORLD!!! Let's use our collective social media power to broadcast publicly Williams-Bolar's cause! Our networks are open not closed by laws the punish the wrong folks. Let's use our distributed and diverse networks to reach beyond our immediate anger and reach larger media outlets as well as our politicians. I am tweeting to senators about my concern.

Read the Full Essay @ TEDFellows

Wednesday, January 26, 2011

Buffalo (Hamburg) Bound: Mark Anthony Neal @ Hilbert College



Noted Black Culture Expert to be Featured Speaker

HAMBURG, N.Y. – Acclaimed black popular culture expert Mark Anthony Neal, Ph.D., will be the keynote speaker at an address commemorating the memory of Martin Luther King Jr. that will be held at 4 p.m. Jan. 27 in Hilbert College’s Palisano Lecture Room (101 Bogel Hall).

Neal’s discussion will bridge the gap of knowledge between the civil rights movement and the hip-hop generation, and also address King’s historical significance with current events.

Neal is professor of black popular culture in Duke University’s Department of African and African-American Studies from where he received the 2010 Robert B. Cox Award for Teaching. A regular commentator on National Public Radio, he writes about popular culture and parenting in his column for theLoop21.com, hosts the weekly Webcast “Left of Black” and contributes to several online media outlets, including New Black Magazine.

Neal has authored five books, including the New Black Man and the forthcoming Looking for Leroy: (Il)Legible Black Masculinities. He’s also co-editor of That's the Joint!: The Hip-Hop Studies Reader, 2nd Edition.

A book signing will follow Neal’s address, which is free and open to the public. Refreshments will be provided.

The event is being co-sponsored by the Hilbert Offices of Multicultural Affairs, Admissions and Residence Life.

***

Hilbert College, located in suburban Hamburg, N.Y., south of Buffalo, is a private four-year college founded in 1957 in the Catholic Franciscan tradition. With nearly 1,100 students, Hilbert is a dynamic Western New York college that offers career-focused majors, including one of the top criminal justice programs in the region, and more than 50 minors and concentrations. Hilbert’s personal approach to learning combines liberal arts with an outstanding professionally-focused education that’s taught by professors who bring a depth of real-world experience to the classroom. The college’s engaging, student-centered campus community offers numerous leadership, internship and service learning opportunities from which students launch successful careers while making positive changes in their communities.

Tuesday, January 25, 2011

Kevin Powell: "Guns in America"



Guns in America
by Kevin Powell

"Annie Christian was a whore always looking for some fun
being good was such a bore, so she bought a gun
she killed John Lennon, shot him down cold
she tried to kill Reagan, everybody say gun control"
-Prince, "Annie Christian" (1981)

"...a prayer vigil/press conference at Brookdale Hospital to pray for the 16 year old girl that was shot point blank in the face. The Saturday, January 15th shooting took place on Belmont and Sackman in Brownsville, Brooklyn...."
-Email posted by Brooklyn clergy/community leaders (2011)

Prince, the musical genius and icon, was singing about an American mindset of 30 long years ago, one that is very alive today. And, obviously, far more males than females engage in gunplay as evidenced by who shot John Lennon, President Ronald Reagan, and Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords. Regardless of the metaphors, we should heed Prince's point.

And the Brooklyn girl referenced above is Kervina Ervin, who was in critical condition but has progressed enough that she will now have surgery on her mouth, since it was badly damaged by the bullet. There has been much speculation on why Kervina was shot (Was it gang-related? Was it revenge for some prior street fight?). But what is clear is that Kervina is, symbolically, millions of miles away from Tucson, Arizona, and the national outpouring of grief (well-deserved) that has accompanied the day-to-day vigil for Congresswoman Giffords.

For sure, Kervina Ervin's life is as valuable as the Congresswoman's. Yet we would not know that because there has been no presidential visit to Brownsville, one of the poorest communities in America, and a 'hood whose pockmarked skies are often littered with the pop pop pop of bullets.

Nor has there been round-the-clock media coverage. What we have instead is Kervina's family, led by her mother, doing the best they can to make sure Kervina survives that gunshot.

And I wish I could say Kervina was the sole victim of gun violence in Brooklyn in January, but I cannot. For the period of Friday, January 14, 2011, through Thursday, January 20, 2011, there were 2 murders, 7 non-fatal shooting incidents, with a total of 11 non-fatal shooting victims. And that is only for communities in northern Brooklyn. Imagine what is happening in other parts of this New York City borough that I love dearly, or in so-called ghettoes nationwide. Right here in our America we are losing a generation of young people to gun blasts that rival the violence in Afghanistan or Iraq, or in other war-torn countries.

Accordingly, as we debate guns, gun control, and what happened, precisely, in Tucson, Arizona on Saturday, January 8th, and who, exactly, is responsible, I think it time we cease pointing fingers at each other and take a good look in the mirror at ourselves.

For there is something wrong with us as a people, as Americans, when some of us can justify, in the aftermath of that Arizona shooting tragedy, or the countless shootings in America's suburbs and inner cities, the right to bear arms. I am very clear what the Second Amendment says but, honestly, it is tough to hear those words this very moment, especially since I have had to deliver eulogies at more funerals than I can count. And console more mothers, fathers, relatives, friends, and distraught community members than I care to recollect. Each and every single funeral tied to gun violence.

For that reason America needs to be completely transparent about the fact that we have a profound and dysfunctional relationship with guns, that we are literally blowing each other away, and few seem genuine in their desire to stop the bloodshed for good.

For sure, as I sat in my living room during our most recent Dr. Martin Luther King holiday weekend, gunshots spit from the bowels of Fort Greene Projects, directly across the street from my condo building. I could not help but think of the great irony of the hate email I had received since the Arizona shooting tragedy. Individuals saying I had incredible nerve to call for gun control, that I was "un-American," "unpatriotic," and one critic essentially figured out a way to portray me as anti- our American soldiers overseas because of my desire for major gun control. I also hear the words, frequently, of what my dear friend April Silver said to me in the aftermath of Congresswoman Giffords being shot: "Kev, you are out there as a public figure, too. That could have been you-"

It could have been any of us with strong opinions about our nation and our world that someone out there does not like. But I am not afraid, and I am not anti- anything. I am for nonviolence, love, respect, and peaceful solutions to conflicts. And I want to see the endless merry-go-round of Americans, regardless of background, being wounded, maimed, paralyzed, or murdered purely because someone figures the only way to resolve a beef or differing point of view is through the barrel of a gun.

Indeed, when something like the Arizona calamity happens, or the mass killing on the campus of Virginia Tech (2007), or the slaughter at the Fort Hood military base in Texas (2009), or the Columbine High School shooting in Colorado (1999), we Americans are aghast with horror, we freeze, we ponder and reflect, and vow, with substantial passion, that we will not allow this to happen again. And then it does. At our homes, at our workplaces or our schools, on our public transportation systems. Wherever we be, there be bullets flying when we least expect it.

Just this past weekend, in fact, we had the shooting outside a Washington State Wal-Mart that left two dead and two Sheriff's deputies wounded. Both the shooter and a teenaged girl police believe was somehow connected to the suspect were killed. In Detroit, a lone gunman was brazen enough to walk into a police precinct, opened fire, and wounded four officers before return gunfire took his life.

Why? Because we are a violent nation, a nation that was founded on violence. Just ask Native Americans, Black Americans who had to trek through slavery and segregation, poor and or ethnic Whites, Mexicans, women, the LGBT community, or any other group in our lengthy and hectic history who have had to deal with guns being aimed in their direction. No question that we are a nation that has often settled scores, in our wars, in our movies, in our video games, and, no doubt, in our political gripes, with gunplay. Or with talk or boasts of gunplay. Pump that, like a drug, into the minds and veins of any people enough, and add anger, rage, alienation, or, yes, emotional instability or mental illness, and you've got a recipe for American tragedy after American tragedy.

That said, the great misfortune to me is not simply Tucson, Arizona. God bless those victims and survivors, and God knows I am praying for Congresswoman Giffords' full recovery. But the greater misfortunes are the ignored, forgotten, or anonymous individuals, like Kervina Ervin, who wonder, each and every single day of their lives, in some cases, if they will catch a bullet, as we say, just because they live in a community where guns are so easy to obtain. Or if they are the wife or girlfriend of a man who is an abuser and has threatened to shoot them. And the stories go on and on-

That is why stats like these are so staggering:

1) Since 1968, when Dr. King and Robert F. Kennedy were murdered, with guns, over a million Americans have been killed, with guns
2) In any given year there are over 9000 gun-related murders in America. In developed nations like England there is 39 per year, or just 17 in Finland in any given year
3) Murder rates due to guns in America are 6.9 times the rates in 22 other heavily populated and high-income countries combined
4) Medical costs and costs to the criminal justice system, in America, plus all the security precautions (think of metal detectors at airports, at schools, and elsewhere) wind up costing us, as taxpayers, over $100 billion per year

What we are discussing, then, is a national crisis that must become a national priority and a national conversation, led by our president, Barack Obama. Mr. Obama should start by urging passage of a bill, H.R. 308, to ban large capacity ammunition magazines, an important life-saving measure now before Congress.

Beyond this, under President Obama's leadership we as citizens sick and tired of being sick and tired of gun violence need to challenge our elected officials to put more meat on the Brady Bill, signed into law by President Clinton in the 1990s. That means cities, towns, states, and the national government have got to work together to make it much more difficult to get a gun. We've got to fix the background check system immediately, create a national formula for that, and make all records available of anyone who wants to purchase a gun, including medical and criminal records, or any reports from a school or workplace of unstable behavior. And those loopholes that make it so easy to get a gun without any check whatsoever must be closed. What kind of nation are we that a teenager, or even younger, can presently get a gun from someone, and use it for deadly purposes, as if he, or she, were playing a video game for fun?

When I look at how easily Jared Lee Loughner was able to secure a weapon to shoot Congresswoman Giffords and others, I just scratch my head and wonder where were the background checks, the sharing of information about his emotional instability and why, for God's sake, was he pulled over by the police, just moments before the tragedy, and summarily allowed to carry on?

(The running joke in many Black communities, and not so funny, either, is that if Mr. Loughner were Black, no way the police would have allowed him to carry on so easily. Well....)

I am not suggesting that anyone individual or institution is responsible, but certainly we are in this together. That means some of us have got to get the courage to stand up to the National Rifle Association, finally, and to gun manufacturers. And to gun sellers as well, be they at gun shows, or in the streets, back alleys, or hallways of America. It is a kind of national sickness to think it normal to carry a gun, to have access to a gun, just because you want one. But, conversely, when I was speaking at a college in rural Maryland last weekend, a student asked me about guns for those who hunt for food. I had to pause for a second and recall that my own South Carolina born and bred family (although I am personally a vegan these days) hunted to survive. And that some of my kinfolk, in the South, still do. Until we have an alternative way of feeding every single American, I can't be mad at folks for doing that, even if I don't personally like it. There is a big difference between hunting for survival sake and hunting people, like prey, just because-

But what I am also concerned about is a gun lobby so powerful that fought, tooth and nail, against the Brady Bill, and which continues to jump through those loopholes that make gun access so easy. We the American people must collectively gather the nerve to challenge these folks until they, and we, understand that we do not need "civility," as has been argued since the Arizona tragedy.

No, what we need is a culture of nonviolence, one where, again, it becomes a national priority right in pre-school or grade school, to teach our children the lessons of Gandhi, of Dr. King, of anyone who is rationale enough to understand violence in any form, or the ready availability of guns, is simply not acceptable for a society that calls itself civilized.

And this conversation is not just for everyday American citizens, either. It needs to extend to some in law enforcement who are what the singer Marvin Gaye once crooned, "trigger-happy polices," especially given the rampant use of gunfire at Black and Latino males in our urban environments. Yes, being a police officer is a dangerous job and I have the utmost respect for our police forces. But they too have been contaminated by a culture of violence where brute force, or gunshots, has often become the first and only solution for our conflicts, problems, or fears.

Thus if we are going to talk about guns and gun violence, the national conversation must be from every single angle. Each one of us must ask ourselves why is it okay to reside in a culture where violent blockbuster movies rule our theaters, why television habitually features gunplay, why historical tales we've digested since childhood have always featured weapons and violence, and why it is okay for our children, or us, too, to play video games that showcase violent imagery that feed our seemingly insatiable appetites for murder and mayhem, even if it is fictionalized?

This is the only way we as a nation will turn this corner, if we are totally real with ourselves, and are willing to steer the DNA of our culture in a new direction. And as Martin Luther King III said earlier today, at a press conference with New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg in response to the crisis of guns in America,
"We are a much better nation than the behavior exhibited."

And way past time for us to show it. For our children. And our children's children, too-

***

Kevin Powell is a public speaker, activist, and author or editor of 10 books, including Open Letters to America (Soft Skull). He lives in Brooklyn, New York, and can be emailed at kevin@kevinpowell.net.

The "Black Power Mixtape"



from Democracy Now

"The Black Power Mixtape"–Danny Glover Discusses New Doc Featuring Rare Archival Footage of Angela Davis, Huey P. Newton, Stokely Carmichael

Monday, January 24, 2011

'Left of Black': Episode #18 featuring Randall Robinson and Imani Perry



Left of Black #18—January 24, 2011
w/Mark Anthony Neal

In this episode of Left of Black host Mark Anthony Neal is joined by activist and author Randall Robinson in a conversation about the legacy of Black activism, reparations for African-Americans and growing up in Richmond, VA with his bother, the late television journalist Max Robinson. Neal also talks with Princeton University Professor Imani Perry, author of the new book More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States (NYU Press)

→Randall Robinson is the author of An Unbroken Agony and the national bestsellers The Debt, The Reckoning, and Defending the Spirit. He is also founder and past president of TransAfrica, the African-American organization he established to promote enlightened, constructive U.S. policies toward Africa and the Caribbean.

Imani Perry is is a Professor in the Center for African American Studies at Princeton University. She is the author of More Terrible, More Beautiful, The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the U.S. and Prophets of the Hood: Politics and Poetics in Hip Hop (Duke Press)

***

Left of Black is a weekly Webcast hosted by Mark Anthony Neal and produced in collaboration with the John Hope Franklin Center at Duke University.

The Color Purple: Controversy At 25



The Color Purple marks its 25th anniversary this week with a Blu-Ray DVD release, prompting comparisons about the points of controversy it shares with contemporary films For Colored Girls and Precious.

The Color Purple: Controversy At 25
by Mark Anthony Neal | TheLoop21

When The Color Purple was released in December of 1985, Whoopi Goldberg was most known for her one-woman Broadway show and Oprah Winfrey was just a fledgling talk show host in Chicago. The film, based on Alice Walker’s Pulitzer Prize winning novel of the same title, went on to earn 11 Academy Award nominations including Best Actress and Best Supporting Actress nominations for Goldberg (Celie) and Winfrey (Sophia) respectively. This week the film will be released on Blu-Ray for the first time.

Though we often look back lovingly at The Color Purple, noting in particular the beauty of the cinematography, and its role in helping create mainstream interests in “Black” cinema—the film earned nearly $150 million—its release was shrouded in controversy. The Color Purple courted contention very much the way recent releases from Lee Daniels (Precious) and Tyler Perry (For Colored Girls) (films that, like The Color Purple, were male directed screen adaptations of literary works originally produced by Black women) did.

Read the Full Essay @ theLoop21

Prepping Parents for Education Reform



Lofty plans for overhauling the education system are all very well and good. But parents have to be ready to take advantage of change.

Prepping Parents for Education Reform
by Diana Ozemebhoya Eromosele

As a member of the burgeoning movement to improve public education, I believe that for education reform to happen, advocates need to focus their efforts on equipping parents with the appropriate mind-set to succeed in the rapidly changing school landscape.

Many parents will need help transitioning to and operating under the new paradigms proposed by school-choice advocates, primarily because -- well, public education has never been viewed as a commodity. Not all parents are aware of their options, and if they are, not all parents have the time to commit themselves to take full advantage of a sudden abundance of choice.

A few months ago, I attended a media-training seminar for school-choice advocates. There, one of the attendees described his laissez-faire ideal for America's schools: The public education system would function as a shopping mall, with parents picking and choosing from an array of public schools. As he saw it, parents wouldn't be forced to send their children to a school based on geographic zoning restrictions. Instead, mothers and fathers would be the consumers; school leaders would be the vendors. The vendors would be motivated to increase their products' efficiency to attract customers, thereby increasing the quality of all goods (think schools) sold -- and so on and so forth as the Business 101 supply-and-demand principles go.

While that proposed model is not bad or ill-intentioned, it is drastically different from the way that parents, particularly mothers, have traditionally gone about securing -- if that is even the appropriate term -- public education for their children.

Read the More @ The Root.com

***

Diana Ozemebhoya Eromosele is a multimedia journalist specializing in political thought and introspective narratives. She works in education reform. Follow her on Twitter.

Friday, January 21, 2011

Confessions of a Black Swim Parent: It’s Never Just Another Swim Meet



Confessions of a Black Swim Parent:
It’s Never Just Another Swim Meet
by Mark Anthony Neal

I suppose that years from now, my daughter will have little memory of the recent North Carolina YMCA swim championships. Yes she walked away with the 50-Yard Freestyle championship in her age group, lowered several of her times and anchored two championship relays, but in many ways if was just like any other meet.

Except the meet was not held on any other ordinary day; it was the 82nd anniversary of the birth of Martin Luther King, Jr.. I couldn’t help being reminded that if it were only 40 years earlier—in a state like North Carolina—my daughter might not have been allowed to even swim in the same pool with her White peers, let alone stand on the blocks and believe that she could be the fastest swimmer in any of the competitions.

Not to put any additional pressure on my daughter, I let the significance of the date sit quietly with me (though not quite given the Curtis Mayfield and Nina Simone soundtrack that accompanied our drive to the aquatic center), ironic given the fact that most swim meets in contemporary America would register as a minor Civil Rights-era notable; It’s simply far too usual for there to be only a handful of Black swimmers competing at meets in which competitors often number in the hundreds.

And indeed, to judge by the number of adults, who randomly walk up to my daughter and her parents to comment on how fine her swimming technique is, I’m sure my daughter is more than aware of the race politics that are at play. As a White colleague remarked to me, comments about my daughter’s swimming technique—however innocent and even thoughtful—are apropos to the backhanded compliments middle class, educated Blacks receive about how “articulate” they are, as if there is some incompatible strain of Blackness that resists societal norms.

At twelve, my daughter is of a generation of young people whose lives are not ordered by race—that’s the job of their parents, who at least have a responsibility to make their children aware that despite best intentions (somewhere Edmund Perry is sighing), there will be many moments in their lives when race—and gender, and class and religious preference and sexual orientation will matter.

Thankfully, the only burden she takes onto the starting block is whether or not she will be able to drop her times, and that is as it should be. Nevertheless, my daughter and I have begun to talk about her unasked for role in this small post-race, racial drama. The conversations are borne out on the number of times that parents of younger Black swimmers have sought her out to meet their swimmers.

It has taken my daughter some time to realize that forty-plus year after Dr. King last walked the earth, the idea of a Black swimmer—and one who can compete at the highest levels, as she aspires—is an oxymoron. At any given swim meet, there’s going to be another Black swimmer that will see my daughter and others like her, and say “that can be me.”

***

Mark Anthony Neal is Professor of African & African-American Studies at Duke University and the author of five books including the forthcoming Looking For Leroy: (Il)Legible Black Masculinities. He is a regular columnist for theLoop21.com and the host of the weekly webcast Left of Black. Neal is also a Black Swim Parent, who resides Durham, NC with his family, where his daughters swim for the YMCA of the Triangle Area (YOTA).

Wednesday, January 19, 2011

A Chance to Change the Way We Look at Mental Illness


from the Huffington Post

A Chance to Change the Way We Look at Mental Illness
by Bassey Ikpi

I spent most of 2003 on the floor of various hotel rooms, my body balled into a tight fist. Depression was winding itself around my neck, daring me to breathe. Other times, I was lava and mania pulsating from my belly, rising with each moment until my brain was a spinning dervish. Those moments, which occurred while I toured with a Tony Award-winning show, ate at me -- feasted on my blood like the cruelest of vampires. I felt out of control. I was out of control -- never certain who I'd be when I woke up. Would I be the hyperactive, mile a minute, unable-to-stop-talking-or-thinking-long-enough-to-sleep-or-die girl? Or would I wake up the woman already steps from death? There were nights I lay in bed, eyes closed, willing my heart to stop. Anything to bring peace. Depression and hypomania were rude house guests, visiting and leaving without warning or introduction. I had spent most of my life this way. I'd learned to choreograph the moments when the depression hit. I'd use that time to sleep. And when the hypomania came rushing in, I'd use that time to work on the things the depression allowed me to put off. It was a perfect choreography; a scale that kept my life balanced for years. Until it didn't.

One night in January 2004, 15 minutes before my show was to take a stage in Chicago, I was a babbling mess of trembling and sobbing. I had woken up that day, my brain on spin and my body on pause. That would happen sometimes too. Depression and mania all at once. It was something I couldn't balance. Made me feel trapped and hopeless -- a slave to whatever my brain decided it wanted from me from day to day. That day, my brain told me that I was going to die, and I felt helpless to fight the messenger. I was barely eating, so any little strength I had was not enough to will my body to do anything and even if I could, my brain was out of the conversation. My brain was just grateful for the quiet. But I had a show to do and without that commitment nagging around the back of my head, there's no telling what would have happened. What did happen was this: I left my hotel room and made it as far as the dressing room at the theater. The costume designer found me underneath the sink, my body again in a tight fist.

A few days later, back home in New York, I was diagnosed with Bipolar II Disorder. After a few weeks, my doctor got even more specific: Mixed-episode, Rapid Cycling Bipolar II Disorder. I was, what I had long feared being, mentally ill. For the months that followed, I was given various medications, then taken off of them -- given others. My body felt like a chemical mill. Every "side effects might include" had my name written all over them; I went through them all: some pills took my short term memory, some made me vomit, some made me tremble so bad that I couldn't climb stairs or sleep. One turned me into a zombie -- had me sleeping up to 20 hours a day and rendered the four during which I was awake useless. I went through it all just looking for a combination that would help settle my brain and convince it that life was worth living. I spent thousands of dollars, saved from my tour, on doctors and medication and eventually hospitalization. I lost my job because I became an insurance risk; the producers were afraid that I might have another breakdown on the road. That sent me on another depressive cycle and it continued like this, up and down and up and down, a horrific roller coaster of emotional instability for years to come.

After a brief hospitalization in January of last year, I've finally found a combination of medication and treatment that works for me. Works enough to keep me balanced and a part of the world. After six years, I'm finally getting my life back on track. Like millions of Americans, I'm without health care insurance. As a freelance writer, I make sure my 4-year-old is insured, but that leaves little or nothing for me. My "perfect" combination of medication sets me back around $200 a month. I advocate for myself by paying attention to changes in my body and in my thoughts. I check in with my doctor, and any sign of relapse or instability I make sure is caught before the curtains close and I'm trapped with the demons of mental illness.

I am privileged.

My profession allows me the space to be mentally ill without worry of being stigmatized or ostracized in the office. I have a platform from which I can discuss mental health awareness without shame or fear. I don't worry that my boss will find out and I'll lose the promotion -- or worse, my job. I'm not afraid that my friends will turn their backs on me once they find out about my storied background. If it has affected my work or relationships, it hasn't done so in any way that I find particularly troubling. I have the luxury of staying in bed and writing if I don't feel like getting dressed and facing the world. Though I'm in a reduced-priced program that allows me to get treatment for relatively nothing, I still pay medication out of my pocket and with a few sold articles or booked gigs, I can handle that. The program isn't perfect, but because I've been here, I can advocate for myself. I don't take any combination of medication until both my doctor and I agree on said medication.

In order for me, and millions of people both in treatment and out, to live the lives that most take for granted, it takes a combination of pills, therapy, trigger avoidance, diet changes, lifestyle changes. You name it, I've probably had to change it in the last six years in order to live a "normal life." And for me and many like me, "normal" means the ability to get out of bed every morning. The ability to sit in traffic and not be seized by crippling anxiety. The ability to have a conversation without checking to make sure my speech isn't too pressured or I'm not laughing too loudly or too inappropriately. These are things that many take for granted every day.

Still, I am privileged. I'm able to participate in dialogues and discourse about the condition of the mentally ill as a mentally ill person and be heard. The same cannot be said for the majority. Those either too frightened to speak openly about their challenges for whatever reason and those who refuse treatment because they don't understand or know what their options are.

After a week of political finger pointing, the tragic shooting spree in Tuscon has finally shifted focus to the shooter, 22-year-old Jared Loughner. When it was revealed that he had been showing signs of instability for months -- even kicked out of his college for his behavior -- it was speculated that he suffers from paranoid schizophrenia. Not as an attempt to excuse, but merely as an attempt to explain. Once again, mental illness is in the national spotlight, and once again the mentally ill are left out of the conversation. Rather than being included, the catch-all "mentally ill" is being associated with violence and "evil." I find that obscenely offensive and believe blanket all "psycho," "crazy," and "evil" statements make it that much more difficult for people who may not be feeling their best mentally to seek help. Why would you go to a friend or doctor and say, "I'm feeling paranoid and angry and I don't know what to do," if you knew that immediately, you'd be labeled and possibly ostracized?

The national conversation around mental illness and health care must change. Not because we need to target the mentally ill before they cause violence to others, but because we have to allow the space for those who don't feel "right" to be open about their issues. Doctors must be open to listen and to refer patients to psych doctors, rather than falling on the pharmaceuticals and prescribing psych medications they are unqualified to administer, without thought of the harm it's bringing to the patient. Mentally ill people don't want to be mentally ill any more than a cancer patient wants to have a body attacked by tumors. But one ailment is afforded the luxury of empathy and compassion, while the other is filled with derision and offensive commentary and speculation. As though we're no longer dealing with human beings.

If the recent events in Tucson taught us anything, it is that we can no longer afford to minimize the lives of millions of people whose only challenge on a day-to-day basis is to get out of bed and live life without excruciating depression or mind-numbing mania or get through the day without getting exhausted from battling the voices -- in a desperate search for a moment of peace. The conversation surrounding the events in Arizona should not just be about political finger pointing, gun control laws or even the failure of health care. It should finally be an opportunity for an honest and compassionate look at the way mental illness and the mentally ill are viewed in this society. They shouldn't be "watched for signs of violence." They should be encouraged, in the same way those with physical ailments are encouraged, to seek treatment.

The answer isn't "stopping them." There is no "them." There is us. They are your coworkers, your postal carrier, the guy who makes you coffee every morning. The woman sitting next to you at Starbucks, writing this article. Productive members of society who are managing or learning to manage their mental health. Perhaps if the public attitude toward the mentally ill changes, those who feel out of touch with this world won't feel the need to hide in shadows, dealing with the disease on their own. The families of those with mental illness can seek help for their loved ones and there can finally be healing of hearts and minds and compassion and empathy for those who struggle on any front.

Follow Bassey Ikpi on Twitter: www.twitter.com/BasseyWorldLive

The Zen of Young Money: Being Present to the Genius of Black Youth



The Zen of Young Money: Being Present to the Genius of Black Youth
by Alexis Pauline Gumbs

I fly with the stars in the skies,
I am no longer trying to survive,
I believe that life is a prize,
But to live doesn’t mean you’re alive.

what am I doing? what am I doing?
oh yeah, that’s right, I’m doing me, I’m doing me
I’m living life right now
and this what I’m a do til its over
til it’s over, but it’s far from over

First:
I am a member of a criminalized generation of black geniuses.

My twenty-something age-mates and the teenagers behind us are often dismissed as materialistic, crass, empty-headed, impulse addicts. Elders mourn our distance from the forms of social movement participation they would have imagined and mass media relates to us as a market to be bought, exploited and sold back to ourselves, ever cheaper.

As a particularly nerdy member of the so-called thoughtless generation, I resent the implication. And I wonder sometimes what it will take to make the forms of social interaction, critique and that young black people are engaged in every moment of our high-tech or low-tech days legible to the baby boomers (since we all know that legibility to baby boomers is what makes something real in the United States).

So this rare piece (on my part) of contemporary hip hop commentary is an attempt to provide a specific example for an undercredited belief that is at the basis of my queer intergenerational politic of black love:

As young black people we are experts of our own experiences, we think about the meanings of our lives, the limits of our options and more often than not we choose not to conform, not to consent to an upright and respectable meaning of life. Even in our most nihilistic moments we are tortured artists and mad scientists, living a critique of a dominant society that cannot contain us and does not deserve us. This doesn’t mean that we are always doing the right thing (Spike Lee), but it does mean that any effective transformative politic that is accountable to us, young black people with a variety of intellectual and cultural attractions and modes will respect us as genius participants in a culture in transition (singularity) instead of incorrectly assuming that we are mindless consumers.

Now:

I take, the example of two songs by two of the most visible young black artists around, members of a hip hop crew/entertainment company that has capitalized on glamourizing a sexualized, hyper-capitalist version of youth energy, chosen family, excess and fun: Nicki Minaj, Drake from the Lil Wayne fronted Young Money Crew.

I happen to have been listening to mainstream radio one day in the car during the week that I was reading Angel Kyodo Williams book Being Black, on the value of Zen principles for black people in the United States and, inexplicably free of the usual defenses and judgments I hold against the most highly marketed versions of hip-pop (no typo) and the self-protection against misogyny and hyper-exploitation that generally causes me to hold back my listening, I actually paid attention to they lyrics.

Of course it was incredibly likely that I would hear songs by Nicki Minaj and Drake since they are routinely rotated. It seems like 2 out of 2 songs that are currently played on the radio star or feature one of these artists. But this time, opened up by Williams’ insights about the value of releasing judgment I began to wonder whether beyond payola and the corporatization and uniformity of radio the mass appeal of these two artists might actually not only be the attraction of black youth, and young people in general to…(young) money and the alcohol baptized sexually olympic lifestyle advertised to come with young people’s access to money, but also a very different basic need in the lives of young black people, and a central need in my life: accessible technologies for being present to our own lives.

Read the Full Essay @ The Feminist Wire

***

Alexis Pauline Gumbs has a PhD in English, Africana Studies and Women’s Studies from Duke University. Alexis is the founder of Eternal Summer of the Black Feminist Mind and the co-creator of the Queer Black MobileHomecoming Project.

Ed Gordon with Dr. Regine Jean-Charles



Weekly with Ed Gordon | Dr. Regine Jean-Charles discusses Haiti | 1/12/11

Tuesday, January 18, 2011

An Apology to Sarah Palin for the Blood Libel from Her Fellow Americans



Simply Brilliant commentary from composer Anthony Kelley.

Milton Rogovin


Fred R. Conrad/The New York Times

Milton Rogovin, Photographer, Dies at 101
by Benjamin Genocchio

Milton Rogovin, an optometrist and persecuted leftist who took up photography as a way to champion the underprivileged and went on to become one of America’s most dedicated social documentarians, died on Tuesday at his home in Buffalo. He was 101.

He died of natural causes, his son, Mark Rogovin, said.

Mr. Rogovin chronicled the lives of the urban poor and working classes in Buffalo, Appalachia and elsewhere for more than 50 years. His direct photographic style in stark black and white evokes the socially minded work that Walker Evans, Dorothea Lange and Gordon Parks produced for the Farm Security Administration during the Depression. Today his entire archive resides in the Library of Congress.

Mr. Rogovin (pronounced ruh-GO-vin) came to wide notice in 1962 after documenting storefront church services on Buffalo’s poor and predominantly African-American East Side. The images were published in Aperture magazine with an introduction by W. E. B. Du Bois, who described them as “astonishingly human and appealing.”

He went on to photograph Buffalo’s impoverished Lower West Side and American Indians on reservations in the Buffalo area. He traveled to West Virginia and Kentucky to photograph miners, returning to Appalachia each summer with his wife, Anne Rogovin, into the early 1970s. In the ’60s he went to Chile at the invitation of the poet Pablo Neruda to photograph the landscape and the people. The two collaborated on a book, “Windows That Open Inward: Images of Chile.”

In a 1976 review of a Rogovin show of photographs from Buffalo at the International Center of Photography in Manhattan, the critic Hilton Kramer wrote of Mr. Rogovin in The New York Times: “He sees something else in the life of this neighborhood — ordinary pleasures and pastimes, relaxation, warmth of feeling and the fundamentals of social connection. He takes his pictures from the inside, so to speak, concentrating on family life, neighborhood business, celebrations, romance, recreation and the particulars of individuals’ existence.”

Read the Full Obituary @ The New York Times

Nikki Giovanni: "Tennessean by Birth"



From the Reelblack Vault comes this exclusive clip of poet/activist/professor NIKKI GIOVANNI reciting her piece "Tennessean by Birth" from her 2007 collection "Acolytes" at the 2010 Art Sanctuary's Celebration of Black Writing, where she was fetted. www.nikki-giovani.com

Monday, January 17, 2011

Martin Luther King Blvd is Often a Dividing Line



from theGrio

There are over 900 Martin Luther King Boulevards across the country. The images and the communities that surround them vary from city to city. In Baltimore this street has historically been the dividing line between a booming Downtown and an underdeveloped black community.

In Search of King



Discovering the complexities of the late Civil Rights leader was part of author's coming of age.

In Search of King
by Mark Anthony Neal | TheLoop21

Like many African-American households in the 1960s and 1970s, there was a portrait of Martin Luther King, Jr. in my parents’ apartment when I was growing up in the Bronx. It was a classic King pose as pastor, without expression—I imagine there have been millions of these prints of King produced. Less prominent in my parents’ living room, just below the portrait of King was a button from the Poor People’s Campaign. Both existed without remark in my household and while I could fill in the gaps about King, there was little from which I could draw the significance of the Poor People’s Campaign to my parents, who rarely talked politics with me. That was my introduction to Martin Luther King, Jr.

In the years before the official King holiday, the great orator and Civil Rights leader was just that to me—a flattened “great” image from a past that my parents, both with deep southern roots, refused to talk to me about. It was during one of my earliest forays into crate digging—as a 13-year-old in the Bronx in 1979, who wasn’t going through their parents record collection in our imaginary quest to be Grandmaster Flash?—that I came across a collection of King’s speeches—In Search of Freedom—in my father’s collection. As I could not recall ever hearing the record played in my parent’s home, I took it upon myself to listen to the speeches myself.

What I heard mesmerized me—a nod to the sense of power the man possessed over language and the more tangible sense of opportunity that I felt just as the 1980s were dawning. As a Bronx kid, trekking to a huge “integrated” high school in Brooklyn—6,000 students to be exact—the sound of King’s voice on my first generation Walkman served as symbolic armor. Perhaps.

Read the Full Essay @ theLoop21

***

Mark Anthony Neal is the author of five books, including the forthcoming Looking for Leroy. He teaches Black Popular Culture in the Department of African and African-American Studies at Duke University. Email Mark at mark@theloop21.com. Follow him on Twitter @.

Remembering Patrice Lumumba



Op-Ed Contributor
An Assassination’s Long Shadow
by Adam Hochschild

TODAY, millions of people on another continent are observing the 50th anniversary of an event few Americans remember, the assassination of Patrice Lumumba. A slight, goateed man with black, half-framed glasses, the 35-year-old Lumumba was the first democratically chosen leader of the vast country, nearly as large as the United States east of the Mississippi, now known as the Democratic Republic of Congo.

This treasure house of natural resources had been a colony of Belgium, which for decades had made no plans for independence. But after clashes with Congolese nationalists, the Belgians hastily arranged the first national election in 1960, and in June of that year King Baudouin arrived to formally give the territory its freedom.

“It is now up to you, gentlemen,” he arrogantly told Congolese dignitaries, “to show that you are worthy of our confidence.”

The Belgians, and their European and American fellow investors, expected to continue collecting profits from Congo’s factories, plantations and lucrative mines, which produced diamonds, gold, uranium, copper and more. But they had not planned on Lumumba.

A dramatic, angry speech he gave in reply to Baudouin brought Congolese legislators to their feet cheering, left the king startled and frowning and caught the world’s attention. Lumumba spoke forcefully of the violence and humiliations of colonialism, from the ruthless theft of African land to the way that French-speaking colonists talked to Africans as adults do to children, using the familiar “tu” instead of the formal “vous.” Political independence was not enough, he said; Africans had to also benefit from the great wealth in their soil.

With no experience of self-rule and an empty treasury, his huge country was soon in turmoil. After failing to get aid from the United States, Lumumba declared he would turn to the Soviet Union. Thousands of Belgian officials who lingered on did their best to sabotage things: their code word for Lumumba in military radio transmissions was “Satan.” Shortly after he took office as prime minister, the C.I.A., with White House approval, ordered his assassination and dispatched an undercover agent with poison.

The would-be poisoners could not get close enough to Lumumba to do the job, so instead the United States and Belgium covertly funneled cash and aid to rival politicians who seized power and arrested the prime minister. Fearful of revolt by Lumumba’s supporters if he died in their hands, the new Congolese leaders ordered him flown to the copper-rich Katanga region in the country’s south, whose secession Belgium had just helped orchestrate. There, on Jan. 17, 1961, after being beaten and tortured, he was shot. It was a chilling moment that set off street demonstrations in many countries.

As a college student traveling through Africa on summer break, I was in Léopoldville (today’s Kinshasa), Congo’s capital, for a few days some six months after Lumumba’s murder. There was an air of tension and gloom in the city, jeeps full of soldiers were on patrol, and the streets quickly emptied at night. Above all, I remember the triumphant, macho satisfaction with which two young American Embassy officials — much later identified as C.I.A. men — talked with me over drinks about the death of someone they regarded not as an elected leader but as an upstart enemy of the United States.

Some weeks before his death, Lumumba had briefly escaped from house arrest and, with a small group of supporters, tried to flee to the eastern Congo, where a counter-government of his sympathizers had formed. The travelers had to traverse the Sankuru River, after which friendly territory began. Lumumba and several companions crossed the river in a dugout canoe to commandeer a ferry to go back and fetch the rest of the group, including his wife and son.

But by the time they returned to the other bank, government troops pursuing them had arrived. According to one survivor, Lumumba’s famous eloquence almost persuaded the soldiers to let them go. Events like this are often burnished in retrospect, but however the encounter happened, Lumumba seems to have risked his life to try to rescue the others, and the episode has found its way into film and fiction.

Read the Full Essay @ The New York Times

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Adam Hochschild is the author of King Leopold’s Ghost: A Story of Greed, Terror and Heroism in Colonial Africa and the forthcoming To End All Wars: A Story of Loyalty and Rebellion, 1914-1918.

Sunday, January 16, 2011

Vincent Harding: Martin Luther King, Jr.--The Inconvenient Hero



November 2010 conversation with Dr. Vincent Harding, Professor Emeritus, Religion and Social Transformation, Iliff School of Theology, and Chairperson, Veterans of Hope Project, Denver, Colorado.

Saturday, January 15, 2011

PBS' 'Need to Know': Dream Hampton and Jay Z

Watch the full episode. See more Need To Know.

Interview with Dream Hampton, contributing writer of the new book, Decoded.

Friday, January 14, 2011

Hank Willis Thomas: HOPE & QUESTIONS BRIDGE Exhibit Opens at Duke


January 21 – March 4, 2011
Hank Willis Thomas: Hope and Question Bridge

John Hope Franklin Center and Franklin Humanities Institute
Curated by Diego Cortez

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Hope
Exhibition Opening Reception

Thursday, January 20, 7-9 pm, John Hope Franklin Center Gallery (2204 Erwin Rd.)

Left of Black: Mark Anthony Neal Interviews Hank Willis Thomas
Friday, January 21, 12:00 PM, John Hope Franklin Center (2204 Erwin Rd.)

Question Bridge Opening Reception
& Artist's Talk with Introduction by Richard J. Powell

Friday, January 21, 5:30 PM, John Hope Franklin Humanities Institute (Smith Warehouse, 114 S. Buchanan Blvd.)

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The John Hope Franklin Center for International and Interdisciplinary Studies and FHI will present a collaborative, multi-site exhibition of new and recent works by contemporary visual artist and photographer Hank Willis Thomas.

On view at the Franklin Center Gallery will be the exhibition Hope, a survey show of seven major large-scale photographic works by the artist. On view at the FHI will be Thomas’ collaborative video project which is a work-in-progress Question Bridge: Black Male, which features a question-and-answer dialogue between the diverse members of the U.S. Black Male population, including those from New Orleans, using video as the medium to bridge the various economic, political, social, geographic, and generational divides between Black Males. A second work on view tethered above the FHI will be a large, specially fabricated helium balloon that will be flown above Smith Warehouse for the duration of the exhibition.

Hank Willis Thomas is a contemporary African American visual artist and photographer whose primary interests are race, advertising and popular culture. He is the winner of the first ever Aperture West Book Prize for his monograph Pitch Blackness (November, 2008). His work was featured in the 30 Americans exhibition at the Rubell Family Collection in Miami as well as in the exhibition and accompanying catalog, 25 Under 25: Up-and-Coming Photographers. He has exhibited in galleries and museums throughout the U.S. and abroad, including the Studio Museum in Harlem; Yerba Buena Center for the Arts, San Francisco; Wadsworth Atheneum, Hartford, Connecticut; Jamaica Center for Arts and Learning, Jamaica, New York; Artists Space, New York; Leica Gallery, New York; Texas Woman’s University; Oakland Museum of California; Smithsonian; Anacostia Museum, Washington, DC; Bronfman Center for Jewish Life at NYU; National Museum of American History, Washington, DC; and National Portrait Gallery, Washington, DC, High Museum, Atlanta, and Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, among others.

Hank Willis Thomas is represented by Jack Shainman Gallery in New York. Extensive information on his work can be found at http://hankwillisthomas.com. Diego Cortez is an independent curator based in New York. More information can be found at http://www.lostobject.org.