Friday, January 29, 2010

Henry A. Giroux on Howard Zinn



Howard Zinn: A Public Intellectual Who Mattered
by Henry A. Giroux, t r u t h o u t | Op-Ed

In 1977 I took my first job in higher education at Boston University. One reason I went there was because Howard Zinn was teaching there at the time. As a high school teacher, Howard's book, "Vietnam: the Logic of Withdrawal," published in 1968, had a profound effect on me. Not only was it infused with a passion and sense of commitment that I admired as a high school teacher and tried to internalize as part of my own pedagogy, but it captured something about the passion, sense of commitment and respect for solidarity that came out of Howard's working-class background. It offered me a language, history and politics that allowed me to engage critically and articulate my opposition to the war that was raging at the time.

I grew up in Providence, Rhode Island, and rarely met or read any working-class intellectuals. After reading James Baldwin, hearing William Kunstler and Stanley Aronowitz give talks, I caught a glimpse of what it meant to occupy such a fragile, contradictory and often scorned location. But reading Howard gave me the theoretical tools to understand more clearly how the mix of biography, cultural capital and class location could be finely honed into a viable and laudable politics.

Later, as I got to know Howard personally, I was able to fill in the details about his working-class background and his intellectual development. We had grown up in similar neighborhoods, shared a similar cultural capital and we both probably learned more from the streets than we had ever learned in formal schooling. There was something about Howard's fearlessness, his courage, his willingness to risk not just his academic position, but also his life, that marked him as special - untainted by the often corrupting privileges of class entitlement.

Before I arrived in Boston to begin teaching at Boston University, Howard was a mythic figure for me and I was anxious to meet him in real life. How I first encountered him was perfectly suited to the myth. While walking to my first class, as I was nearing the university, filled with the trepidation of teaching a classroom of students, I caught my fist glimpse of Howard. He was standing on a box with a bullhorn in front of the Martin Luther King memorial giving a talk calling for opposition to Silber's attempt to undermine any democratic or progressive function of the university. The image so perfectly matched my own understanding of Howard that I remember thinking to myself, this has to be the perfect introduction to such a heroic figure.

Soon afterwards, I wrote him a note and rather sheepishly asked if we could meet. He got back to me in a day; we went out to lunch soon afterwards, and a friendship developed that lasted over 30 years. While teaching at Boston University, I often accompanied Howard when he went to high schools to talk about his published work or his plays. I sat in on many of his lectures and even taught one of his graduate courses. He loved talking to students and they were equally attracted to him. His pedagogy was dynamic, directive, focused, laced with humor and always open to dialog and interpretation. He was a magnificent teacher, who shredded all notions of the classroom as a place that was as uninteresting as it was often irrelevant to larger social concerns. He urged his students not just to learn from history, but to use it as a resource to sharpen their intellectual prowess and hone their civic responsibilities.

Howard refused to separate what he taught in the university classroom, or any forum for that matter, from the most important problems and issues facing the larger society. But he never demanded that students follow his own actions; he simply provided a model of what a combination of knowledge, teaching and social commitment meant. Central to Howard's pedagogy was the belief that teaching students how to critically understand a text or any other form of knowledge was not enough. They also had to engage such knowledge as part of a broader engagement with matters of civic agency and social responsibility. How they did that was up to them, but, most importantly, they had to link what they learned to a self-reflective understanding of their own responsibility as engaged individuals and social actors.

Read the Full Essay @ Truthout

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Henry A. Giroux currently holds the Global TV Network Chair Professorship at McMaster University in the English and Cultural Studies Department. He has taught at Boston University, Miami University of Ohio, and Penn State University. His most recent books include: The University in Chains: Confronting the military-Industrial-Academic Complex (Paradigm, 2007); Against the Terror of Neoliberalism (Paradigm, 2008); Youth in a Suspect Society (Palgrave 2009).

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Wednesday, January 27, 2010

On the Crisis in Haiti: From the Department of African & African-American Studies at Duke



From the Department of African & African American Studies at Duke University

On the Crisis in Haiti

We are humbled by the tribulations of the people of Haiti. At this time of destruction, suffering, death, and survival, we offer our condolences, our prayers, and our aid.

At the same time, as scholars of the African and African-American experience, we are dismayed by the inhumanity of those who have used this tragedy as an opportunity to espouse groundless explanations for Haiti’s troubles. The events unfolding in the Caribbean are the result of neither a supernatural curse nor of a cultural pathology. And we hope that as the relief efforts currently underway turn their focus to rebuilding, Haiti’s international partners will draw more appropriate lessons from the history of Haiti’s unique predicament in the world of nations.

Until 1791, Haitians suffered under one of the most brutal regimes of slavery ever known to mankind, generating astronomical profits for France at an equally astronomical cost in African lives.

Yet the enslaved Africans of Haiti accomplished the first successful slave revolution in recorded history. In its commitment to human equality, it exceeded that of the American Revolution. With donations of money and arms, Haiti helped to liberate what is now Venezuela, Peru, Ecuador, and Panama from the Spanish Empire. For such reasons, Haiti has long served as an inspiration to the enslaved and the oppressed. This inspiration is likely the source of the name of Durham's own Hayti neighborhood, like that of its counterparts across the United States.

And Haiti paid a dear price for its exemplary ambition to freedom. For example, as a precondition of diplomatic recognition in 1825, Haiti paid France an indemnity equivalent to roughly $22 billion in today's dollars, burdening the Haitian state with a crippling debt for generations. In fear of the example set by Haiti, the US denied diplomatic recognition until 1863, for over half a century. Thus, the slave-holding powers laid siege to the island nation. Despite an official economic blockade against Haiti by the US and the European powers, the Haitian peasantry secured a profitable place in the 19th-century coffee market. However, the US occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, 20th-century patterns of land acquisition by foreign corporations, a series of US- and French-backed dictators, and shifts in the global economy have set Haiti back, without, however, extinguishing the enormous hope, energy, and skills that Haitians bring to the building of a new future.

The Haitian people are heirs to a stunningly beautiful culture of collective labor, self-help, spiritual wisdom, musical performance, and indefatigable perseverance. The people of Haiti, their energetic diaspora, and their friends abroad can and must roll up their sleeves and work together for a better tomorrow.

Duke's Department of African and African American Studies commits itself to making the gifts and the travails of the Haitian people a continued inspiration to the entire world. With Haiti we stand united in the pursuit of clean water, nourishing food, life-sustaining shelter, good health care, and freedom for all. At this moment of crisis, we focus our prayers, our donations, and our efforts on saving the lives of our beloved Haitian brothers and sisters.

--The Department Faculty


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Haiti, Césaire, Translation, & The New Yorker



Haiti, Césaire, Translation, & The New Yorker
by Pierre Joris

The New Yorker, as we well know, has a house style and is proud of it. That this may be a natural thing to aspire to for such a venerable old publication isn’t too problematic as long as it applies to its journalistic pieces, from “Talk of the Town” to the various in depth investigative pieces The New Yorker is justly famous for. But this gets problematic when the same stylistic gauge is applied to its choice of literary artifacts, the translations of poems, for example. Now, we also know that in its stance for ethical correctness and good liberal relevancy, the magazine will speak its mind on current problems & disasters, natural or manmade. These two preoccupations came together in the recent issue that speaks to the earthquake in Haiti: the editors must have decided that the traditional light fare of its poetry department, which has usually been intellectually somewhat less demanding than its cartoons, needed to be upgraded for the occasion.

Thus they printed a poem by Aimé Césaire entitled “Earthquake,” translated (for the occasion, and therefore all too hurriedly?) by Paul Muldoon, the current poetry editor. Césaire is of course from Martinique, but I guess that is close enough to Haiti, or could even be the same speck somewhere off to the left of the page, if checked on that old map of America as seen from Manhattan looking out across the Hudson once published as a cover by The New Yorker. And given the poem’s title, “Earthquake,” it is possible to assume that it has something to do with a natural disaster in the Caribbean. Of course if one checks closer, one realizes that Césaire’s poem was first published in his book Ferraments in 1960, and may refer to some temblor in the Caribbean, though who knows? Well, if we go to the little Seghers Poètes d’aujourdui: Aimé Césaire volume, its editor, Lilyan Kesteloot, a Belgian scholar close to the poet from early on, makes it clear (cf, pp. 74-75) that the temblor in question is symbolic and that Césaire is referring to the political situation in Martinique during the fifties and describes — as Gregson Davis, another Césaire translator, writes — “events that culminated in Césaire’s disenchantment with and resignation from the French Communist Party.” So, using this poem to make a point about the current natural disaster in Haiti is sloppy literary adequatio, and disingenuous at best.

Worse than that, however, is the translation: Paul Muldoon must obviously have done this one rapidly to get the poem in under deadline and in basic New Yorker style, for it is a flat, bland, workshoppy version that loses all the power of Césaire’s language. Muldoon should have stayed with another of his magazine’s time-honored policies, namely never to print a poem that has been translated and published before — or, if willing to breach such a time-honored if somewhat non-sensical habit, he should have used one of the two extant translations of the poem that are way better than his quickie version (he may of course invoke the excuse of the deadline). The poem was first published in English in Clayton Eshleman and Annette Smith’s version in Aimé Césaire: The Collected Poetry (U of Cal Press, 1983) as well as by Gregson Davis’ translation, in Non-Vicious Circle /Twenty Poems of Aimé Césaire (Stanford U Press, 1984).

Read the Full Essay @ Nomadics

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Sunday, January 24, 2010

Edgecombe Avenue, Harlem, NY



In Sugar Hill, a Street Nurtured Black Talent When the World Wouldn’t
by David Gonzalez

New York is a city of blocks, each with its own history, customs and characters. Yet from these small stages spring large talents. Anyone who doubts that need look no further than a stretch of Edgecombe Avenue perched on a bluff near 155th Street.

It was part of Sugar Hill, the neighborhood of choice for elegant black musicians, dapper actors, successful professionals — and those who aspired to be like them.

A red-brick tower at 409 Edgecombe was home to Thurgood Marshall, W. E. B. DuBois and Aaron Douglas, who has been called “the father of black American art.”

A few blocks farther north, the building at 555 Edgecombe burst with musical talent: Count Basie, Duke Ellington, Coleman Hawkins, Lena Horne and others. Right before and after World War II, when discrimination and segregation were commonplace, young people in Sugar Hill saw success stride by on the streets where they played tag and stickball.

The son of a taxi mechanic, Roy Eaton was a childhood piano prodigy who became a trailblazer in advertising. His friends on the block included the artist and writer Faith Ringgold; Cecelia Hodges, a Princeton professor and actress; and Sonny Rollins, the “saxophone Colossus,” who is still touring.

Many of them came from Depression-era families who were short on cash but long on dreams, managing to scrimp for music lessons or art supplies. And they lived in a community where neighbors and churches offered encouragement amid rampant racial discrimination.

“It was like our place to dream the impossible dream,” Mr. Eaton said. “It gave me a sense of, you might call it entitlement or unlimited possibilities — that nothing could stop me from doing what I felt I could do.”

A few doors down from where Mr. Eaton grew up, Cecelia Hodges reveled in the joys of reading. She had gotten the bug from her parents, West Indian immigrants who moved to Edgecombe Avenue from farther south in Harlem so she could attend better schools. Before she started first grade, her father found out the books she would use and read them with her.

She eventually skipped three grades.

Yet it was at home and in the neighborhood that her education was rounded out. Like her friend Roy, she attended St. James Presbyterian Church, participating in pageants and singing in choirs. It was the kind of church where pride was reaffirmed — the choirs, for example, were named after black composers — and dignity defended.

Read the Full Article in The New York Times

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Requiem for Martin Luther King Jr.



The slain civil rights leader’s legacy in African-American music.

Requiem for Martin Luther King Jr.
Salamishah Tillet |

Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. has rightfully been celebrated as one of the most important political leaders of the 20th century, but he doesn’t get the credit for his significant influence on African-American music.

Most music lovers and civil-rights-history buffs know that James Brown, the “Godfather of Soul,” headlined an unforgettable concert in Boston on the night of April 4, 1968, immediately after King was assassinated in Memphis. Memorialized in David Leaf’s documentary, The Night James Brown Saved Boston, James Brown’s riveting performance transfixed his television and live audience to such a degree that a riot was averted in Boston and a (temporary) interracial mourning period resulted.

This mourning shaped more than James Brown’s concert that night. It led artists like Nina Simone and Bill Cosby to record original compositions about King’s death. Nina Simone first performed “Why? (The King of Love is Dead),” written by her bassist Gene Taylor, at the Westbury Musical Festival in Long Island, N.Y., three days after King’s assassination. Unlike the up-tempo beat of her 1963 political anthem “Mississippi Goddamn,” written in response to the Birmingham church bombing, Simone’s eulogy to King was a sonic mélange that opened with the simple chords of the protestant hymn and ended in a preach song. This shift in musical rhetoric was never arbitrary, but signaled a transformation in American politics as well. Similar to James Brown, Simone appeared before an interracial audience and her simple tribute futilely asked the question “why” King had to die, but also substituted the irony and impatience of her earlier protest music with a paean to national mourning.

While Simone’s elegy conveyed what King himself once called the “disappointment” of the black power movement, Bill Cosby’s 1971 jazz-funk composition, “Martin’s Funeral” is an even more radical. Recorded with the Badfoot Brown & the Bunions Bradford Funeral Marching Band, Cosby’s album features only two songs, the first is a jazz-funk instrumental tribute to Martin on which Cosby plays electronic piano. Music critic Thomas Jurek describes the song as “building for 20 minutes from sad reverence and mournful marching into stomping rage, and finally, into release and acceptance.” In both his 2,000-word liner notes and the intense complexity of the music itself, Cosby admits his song was inspired by his attendance of King’s funeral service. When Cosby’s song, which features percussionist Big Black on bass drum, merged jazz and funk, it served as a musical metaphor for a generation that fought optimistically for civil rights, but now turned inward to create a new sound and beat, for their black power ideologies.

Read the Full Essay @ The Root

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Salamishah Tillet is an assistant professor of English at the University of Pennsylvania and co-founder of the non-profit organization, A Long Walk Home, Inc., which uses art therapy and the visual and performing arts to document and to end violence against underserved women and children.

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Friday, January 22, 2010

Ego Trippin' Something (Sasha) Fierce:



Ego Trippin' Something (Sasha) Fierce:
Musings on Black Women in Music
by Regina Barnett

Music has always proven a viable outlet for any representation of blackness whether gendered male or female. The blues, for example, provided a voice for women of color to talk about those things too worldly for the church walls. Ma Rainey, Bessie Smith, and Ella Fitzgerald were dangerous. They spoke to their passions, their pain, and their experiences of black womanhood. These women carved out a niche for the blues women depicted in literature– Shug Avery in The Color Purple, Ma Rainey in Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom, and Ursa in Corregidora are only a small sampling.

What the blues women started to fight, female rap and R&B artists continue to battle today. This constant struggle could be considered part of that call by Ursa’s mother in Corregidora to “make generations.” Generations of black women have tussled between the demand of communal, if not ritualistic obedience to social expectation and the desire to express themselves. Beyoncé Knowles is not immune to that toil. Her 2008 release I am…Sasha Fierce proves that.

The dual CD, which caters a disc a piece to Knowles’ performance personalities of Beyoncé and Sasha Fierce, represent the extremities of black women’s sexuality. There’s the ballad driven Beyoncé and the booty and body poppin’ Sasha Fierce. Here’s my question, folks: what, exactly, besides performance, is fierce about Sasha Fierce? A friend jokingly told me that Sasha Fierce is a drag queen’s dream because of her intricate dance routines and flamboyant attire. He made me think specifically about the music video for “Video Phone.” Lady Gaga didn’t stand a chance.

Read the Full Essay @ Red Clay Scholar

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9th Wonder Speaks



9th Wonder Discusses "Sampling Soul"


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Thursday, January 21, 2010

President Obama’s Impact on Art & Culture in America: A Lecture



Sunday, January 24 | 2 p.m.

President Obama’s Impact on Art and Culture in America

Hayti Heritage Center, 804 Old Fayetteville Street, Durham | Free


Join Mark Anthony Neal, professor of black popular culture in the Department of African & African-American Studies at Duke University, for an intriguing discussion on the Obama presidency’s influence on the contemporary landscape. From the many works of art created during his campaign and the selection of art for the walls of the White House, to the entertainers at inaugural events and the designers selected by First Lady Michelle Obama, there has been a notable shift to a global sensibility.

A reception with light refreshments will follow the lecture. Seating is first come, first serve.

Sponsored by The North Carolina Museum's
Friends of African and African American Art
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On Haiti's "Devil Pact" (ver. 2.0)


special to NewBlackMan

On Haiti's "Devil Pact"
by Regine O. Jackson

Managing representations of Haiti and Haitian people is always part of the response to crisis in Haiti. The enormity of the tragedy last week has meant even more vigilance. As many across the globe are scrambling to make sense of what happened and why, vivid depictions of “the poorest country in the Western hemisphere” and tall tales about the island nation’s “devil pact,” leave little room for the history of deliberate impoverishment and disempowerment of Haiti. Americans want to alleviate the suffering of millions of Haitian earthquake victims. The solution is not simple. But Americans who send soldiers to Iraq and Afghanistan understand the complex world.

Then again, perhaps the solution in Haiti is simpler. We might actually owe the Haitian people a fairer deal than the one they have been getting. But most of us are as feeble in our knowledge of Haiti, or the nation’s long relationship to the United States, as Pat Robertson. It’s important that we know more, because American assistance will play an important role.

Most Haitians and friends of Haiti think that Americans ought to know that Haitians, like Henri Christophe, shed their blood in fighting the British to free white Americans from tyranny. 500 Haitian troops joined American colonists and French soldiers in the attempt to drive the British from Savannah. Haitians made up the largest military unit to fight in the 1779 siege.

As Americans, we ought to know that the Haitian military victory over the French, the Spanish, the British, and then the French under Napoleon, owed less to Vodou – a profound and civilizing West African heritage that still flourishes in the Haitian homelands of Benin, Togo, and Ghana – than it did to the remarkable military leader and diplomat Toussaint L’Ouverture. The embarrassed French abandoned their imperial pursuits in the western hemisphere and sold Thomas Jefferson the entire span of land surrounding the two thousand mile Mississippi River. The Louisiana Purchase doubled the nation's size, making it formidable enough to withstand almost any outside threat; it gave the country its heartland. The U.S. benefited the most from Haiti defeating the big European powers, and since the British suffered greater losses in Haiti than they did at Waterloo, it likely tempered their ambition during the War of 1812.

But the honorable history and rich culture of Haiti is not all we ought to know. For Americans, who understand the complex world, understand the importance of history lest it repeat itself. We ought to know that Haiti’s recent earthquake is indeed a concrete manifestation of the many metaphoric ‘earthquakes’ suffered for the past four centuries.

We could start with the brutal, superexploitation of natural resources under French colonialism; the decades of international ostracism after the Haitian revolution that left the new nation with no trading partners; crippling international debt – especially to the French who demanded 150 million francs as reparations for the “property” in human flesh they lost with the abolition of slavery – which ruined the Haitian economy for over a century and a half; or the American occupation of Haiti from 1915 – 1934 that enflamed divisions among Haitians and resulted in the murder of hundreds including the charismatic leader Charlemagne Péralte.

Such a long view of Haitian history may seem immaterial, but even within my lifetime American policy towards Haiti helps to explain why this disastrous earthquake is devastating Haiti. Americans ought to know that:

•American support of oppressive dictatorships in Haiti, especially the Duvalier regime (1957 – 1986), led to the mass exodus of Haitian professionals, including doctors and engineers, and the accumulation of additional international debt and political instability in the island nation.

•Neo-liberal policies (punitive international trade and financial arrangements, such as loan aid instead of grants, the substitution of American rice for locally grown Haitian rice) are directly responsible for the flood of rural migrants to cities like Port-au-Prince, the feminization of poverty, and the relative failure of American assembly manufacturing plants to alleviate poverty in Haiti.

•The CDC designation of Haiti as the source of the AIDS crisis destroyed the tourist industry in Haiti, which in the 1950s and 1960s was one of the strongest in the Caribbean. Images of Haiti based on uncritical folk models which are not carefully or critically examined further damage any possibility of rebuilding.

•The coup against Jean-Bertrand Aristide from 1991 to 1994 frustrated efforts within Haiti to make sure the country could grow its own food, develop national industries and invest in rural areas and urban infrastructure (roads, bridges, buildings, a reliable power grid) and a clean water supply. As a condition of Aristide’s return, the country’s economy was geared toward paying off interest on Western debt and as a market for Western goods.

•The militarization of the UN's mandate in Haiti blocks proposals to invest some of the international community’s funds to reduce poverty or develop the agricultural sector, while the privatization of services with the proliferation of NGOs further weakened the Haitian state.

Americans ought to know that Haitians are simply asking for the support of a civilized world. Haiti needs our help to clear the rubble, to rebuild the roads, schools and hospitals – Haiti needs unconditional, humanitarian aid. But if this history teaches us anything, it is that cultural racism, which manifests in economic, social, political, and ideological damage to Haiti and exacerbates natural disasters, can also taint relief efforts. This is not an opportunity for the US to reshape Haiti for its own interests, but to finally let Haiti live.

***

Regine O. Jackson is Assistant Professor of American Studies Emory University

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Empire State of Minds



from The PS22 Chorus:

The PS22 Chorus delivers big time on this New York anthem by Jay-Z and Alicia Keys! Props to Dominique & Messale for amazing jobs on the lead vocals & rap (respectively). And of course to Ethan for a well-deserved happy dance at the song's conclusion.

We based our version more on the Alicia Keys "Empire State of Mind Part II," but as a tribute to Jay-Z version, the kids and I created our own little rap that obviously was a bit more age appropriate.

2010 is proving to be an extremely prolific year for the PS22 Chorus! Look for them in February on the Tyra Banks Show!


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Teddy Pendergrass: Life Was a Song Worth Singing



Teddy Pendergrass: Life Was a Song Worth Singing
by Mark Anthony Neal

Hearing the soothing voice of the late Teddy Pendergrass singing lead on the Harold Melvin and the Blue Notes classic, “If You Don’t Know Me By Now,” conjures the aura of possibility that marked the beginning of the 1970s in Black music. The single, which went to number three on the pop charts in August of 1972 and eventually sold a million copies, was one of the first releases from the fledgling Philadelphia International Records (PIR). The story of PIR is legendary—their groundbreaking distribution deal with Columbia Records, then under the leadership of Clive Davis, would impact the trajectory of black music for some time. The label found it’s musical direction in the triumvirate known as the Mighty Three—Thom Bell, Kenneth Gamble and Leon Huff—and some of Philadelphia’s most accomplished studio musicians, who themselves recorded as MFSB. By the end of the decade of the 1970s though, it would be Pendergrass who would be the face of the brand, becoming the most bankable symbol of an imagined black masculinity during the era.

Born Theodore Pendergrass on March 26, 1950, the singer came of age in Philadelphia, during an era when Motown records began to dominate the pop charts and the city was increasingly becoming renowned for its vocal harmony traditions—a sound that Thom Bell would later translate into success with groups like The Delfonics and The Stylistics. Ordained as a minister at age ten, Pendergrass found his vocal inspiration via the example of Marvin Junior, the lead singer of The Dells. As Pendergrass observes in his memoir Truly Blessed (1998), “Marvin Junior’s romantic, soulful voice was a gift from God. He could sing as smooth as honey one moment, then tear out your heart with an anguished plea.” (124) Pendergrass, in fact, got one of his first breaks as a performer, singing a rendition of The Dells’ classic “Stay in My Corner” in Atlantic City. Music historian John A. Jackson suggest that it was Pendergrass’s vocal affinity to Junior that led to Gamble and Huff’s desire to sign Harold Melvin and Blue Notes to their new label, after the duo were rebuffed in their efforts to wrest The Dells from Chess Records. Pendergrass became lead vocalist of The Blue Notes, after a short stint as their drummer that began in 1970.

Harold Melvin and the Blue Notes were chitlin’ circuit staples, doing cabaret tunes when they signed with PIR in 1971. To the group’s surprise Gamble and Huff packaged them with bluesy and lush ballads, the first of which “I Miss You” was released in March of 1972. Though the track made inroads on the Soul charts of the day, if was deemed “too black” for crossover radio. “Too black? What the hell did that mean?” Pendergrass recalled in his memoir, noting that artists like Isaac Hayes, The Staple Singers and the Temptations (behind Norman Whitfield’s “Papa Was a Rolling Stone”) all topped the pop charts in that era. Despite the setback, “I Miss You” with Harold Melvin’s spoken word narrative about a love lost interspersed with Pendergrass’s soulful ad-libs on the full eight-minute version of the song, was a harbinger of PIR’s signature sound.

With the follow-ups “If You Don’t Know Me By Now” and “The Love I Lost,” the Blue Notes became one of PIR’s first major stars. “The Love I Lost” started out as a “Be For Real”-styled ballad, but was eventually recorded in an upbeat tempo that led many to claim it the first Disco recording (Eddie Kendricks’s “Girl You Need A Change of Mind” is a better claim). From 1972-1975, The Blue Notes found success with both ballads and dance tracks, with Pendergrass providing the majority of the leads, to the extent that by 1974, the group was known as Harold Melvin and The Blue Notes featuring Theodore Pendergrass. The group, like their label brethren The O’Jay’s, benefited from Kenneth Gamble’s interest in having strong patriarchal voices parlay his lyrics of Black pride and self-determination. Tracks like “Be For Real”—an extended musical dissertation on black social class divisions, camouflaged as an after-dinner argument between a couple—and “Wake Up Everybody” (see Alexander Weheliye’s brilliant analysis of the song’s intro in Phonographies: Grooves in Sonic Afro-Modernity) helped establish PIR as one of the artistic centers and a leading example of a developing mainstream discourse of blackness in the 1970s that was unapologetic in its nationalist sentiment and political critiques.

The Blue Notes’ “Bad Luck” (1975) is perhaps most emblematic of this moment, as Gamble, via Pendergrass’s lead offers a stinging critique of the Watergate era. Logging it at six-minutes plus, it is in the song’s closing minutes where Pendergrass literally screams the lyrics "Guess what I saw? I saw the president of the United States / The man said he wasn't gonna give it up / He did resign / But he still turned around and left all us poor folks behind / They say they got another man to take his place / But I don't think that he can satisfy the human race." As the song begins to fade, Pendergrass can be heard "The only thing that I got that I can hold on to is my God, my god, Jesus be with me and give me good luck, good luck,” tapping into the religiosity that had been largely dormant in Pendergrass’s work with The Blue Notes. One of the strongest performances by Pendergrass during his tenure with The Blue Notes, “Bad Luck” and other tracks like it unwittingly linked Pendergrass’s voice to the political aspiration espoused in Gamble’s lyrics. This connection would serve Pendergrass well, when the inevitable tensions and disputes within The Blue Notes forced him to pursue a solo career in late 1975.

Teddy is Ready

Not everyone was convinced that Teddy Pendergrass was bankable as a solo artist, given the struggle that some lead singers have had when they left the comforts of a highly established group. Diana Ross was perhaps the best known Soul singer to have made such a move at the time that Pendergrass was considering his break from the Blue Notes, and up to that point Ross’s solo career had been a mixed bag. Pendergrass suggested that Kenny Gamble was particularly adamant about keeping the group together, fearing that audiences had built a bond with the group and not necessarily Pendergrass; audience often mistook Pendergrass for Melvin, since the latter was the group leader. One person who had faith in Pendergrass was his then manager Taaz Lang, who told The Philadelphia Tribune, shortly before the release of his solo debut Teddy Pendergrass (1977), that “Teddy has the talent of Stevie wonder, and the sex appeal of a Tom Jones or Johnnie Mathis.” Even if Gamble and Huff weren’t sure how such appeal would translate to audiences, they had no doubt about who Pendergrass was as an artist. As Pendergrass recalled, “It was easy to record and believe in the songs, because they wrote them for me. It’s impossible to describe , but when I sang their songs they immediately became my songs.” (158)



Aided by Columbia/CBS Records’ “Teddy is Ready” campaign, where Pendergrass did radio station drop-ins and recorded phone messages for women fans in the various cities on his promotional tour, Teddy Pendergrass was released in the spring of 1977. The lead single “I Don’t Love You Anymore” rode the crest of the Disco wave, though Pendergrass was quick to distance himself from the trend, telling The Amsterdam News, “disco music is just a craze and I’m about longevity.” Though Gamble and Huff would continue to package Pendergrass with dance tracks like “Get Up, Get Down, Get Funky, Get Loose,” and “Only You,” (which Eddie Murphy would later spoof in his standup routine) on later albums, he would largely establish himself on the strength of his sultry ballads. Tracks like “Somebody Told Me,” “The Whole Town’s Laughing at Me,” and the brooding “And If I Had,” never helped Pendergrass garner the kind of crossover success that he experienced early on in his career with The Blue Notes, but as it turns out he didn’t need a crossover audience.

In a review of a Teddy Pendergrass concert at New York’s Carnegie Hall in April of 1977, New York Times critic Robert Palmer admitted the singer’s obvious appeal and talent, but cautioned, “his on-going popularity will depend on the songs, productions and packaging the people at Philadelphia International come up with.” Solely thinking about Pendergrass’s music, Palmer—as astute a critic as there was in the late 1970s—was incapable of reading what Pendergrass’s cultural appeal was. Pendergrass’s quick ascent to becoming the most recognizable male Soul singer of the 1970s, went against prevailing logics. The Disco craze damaged the careers of many a Soul singer in the late 1970s, including established acts like Isaac Hayes and Bobby Womack, who both tried unsuccessfully to get in on the developing scene (it took years for both to recover), yet Pendergrass managed to raise the bar in this environment. Pendergrass succeeded in part because of an emerging black consumer base, that PIR itself helped to cultivate. With crossover historically deemed as the most likely route to success in the recording industry, PIR bucked the trend and tapped into the increasing buying power of a post-Civil Right era black middle class that was just beginning to flex its economic might—an audience less interested in watered-down cross-over blackness, but something more “authentic” (owing in part to the obvious anxieties produced by their new found class status). In the late 1970s, Teddy Pendergrass was that voice of authenticity and the proof was in the sales; Pendergrass first five studio albums all went platinum or multi-platinum—the first black male artist to achieve the feat—selling primarily to black audiences and garnering little if any airplay on mainstream pop stations

Perhaps more powerfully, Pendergrass represented an idealized black masculinity in the late 1970s. Though his work with The Blue Notes had political connotations, Pendergrass’s popularity as a solo artist lie in his performance of a masculinity that was virile and potent and tailor-made for a cultural discourse that had moved beyond the struggles for Civil Rights and fixated on establishing acceptable images of black masculinity within an integrated society. Though such images existed via the form of mythical cinematic figures like Superfly (Ron O’Neal) and Shaft (Richard Roundtree), Pendergrass made such performances real and accessible, in an era partially defined by cartoonish performances of black masculinity in popular culture, like Antonio Fargas’s “Huggy Bear” and Jimmie Walker’s “J.J. Evans.” What made Pendergrass’s performance of black masculinity palpable was, in part, the physical limits of his vocal instrument. Never technically strong as a singer—he never possessed the vocal dexterity of his peers Marvin Gaye or Al Green—there was an earnestness in Pendergrass’s baritone that helped soften a hypermasculinity that was off the charts. Still in his late twenties when he became an icon, Pendergrass’s full beard and sonorous voice evoked a man twice his age.

Pendergrass was also of a generation of black male performers, who were the first, who could publically express a distinct sexual identity, with examples ranging from the aforementioned Richard Roundtree, to Marvin Gaye and even Sylvester. With the sexual revolution in full swing, sex became one of Pendergrass’s calling cards. As such Pendergrass’s rise coincides with communal anxieties produced in response to Al Green’s rejection of the very secular sexuality that helped establish the popularity of the male soul singer, dating back to Sam Cooke’s emergence in the 1950s. If Al Green was no longer invested in the hyper-sexualized black masculinity that he and an aging Marvin Gaye (who later saw Pendergrass as a rival) helped cultivate in the 1970s, Pendergrass was a suitable and unequivocally masculine (by the standards of the era) replacement. Indeed Pendergrass was clearly cognizant of the stakes, rebuffing Amsterdam News reporter Marie Moore in a 1977 interview when she insinuated that Pendergrass had “something against women” in response to his suggestion that he didn’t want women to “get next to him.” (“Now you are implying I’m a faggot because I said that. I said that because I’m selective.”).

Though Pendergrass was often ambivalent about his sex-symbol status, telling Moore in a 1978 interview that “it’s something that sort of happened. I don’t deal with that crazy shit, I’m not like that…I guess it was women themselves that invented that image of me,” his record company understood this dynamic as they went forward with Pendergrass’s career, beginning with “Close the Door,” the lead single from Pendergrass’s second release Life is a Song Worth Singing (1978). When asked by The Amsterdam News to describe “Close the Door,” Pendergrass simply replied “panty wetter,” an apt description for many of the ballads on Life is a Song Worth Singing (the title track, a remake of Thom Bell produced Johnny Mathis recording from 1973) and his follow-up Teddy (1979) including “It Don’t Hurt Now,” “Come On And Go With Me,” and “Turn Out the Lights.”

With the release of the multiplatinum Teddy (1979) and Live Coast to Coast (1979) and Pendergrass’ well publicized “women only” concerts, where attendees were given chocolate teddy-bear shaped lollipops (“so that she’ll have something to lick” as quoted in The Amsterdam News), Pendergrass’s musical image was quickly degenerating into the type caricature befitting the 1970s—the type of caricature of black male singers that befell figures like Barry White and Isaac Hayes (creating the context, for example, for South Park’s “Chef” or White’s appearances on Ally McBeal). Pendergrass seized upon the opportunity presented by the deterioration of Gamble and Huff’s working relationship to work with new producers (Dexter Wansel and Cynthia Biggs) and writers, and to begin writing some of his own songs. As John A. Jackson writes in A House On Fire: the Rise and Fall of Philadelphia Soul (2004), “The production assignments for the album called TP hinted at significant internal problems at Philadelphia International.”(233) To his credit Pendergrass’s albums, TP (1980) and It’s Time for Love (1981) find the singer at the peak of his artistic powers.

“Can’t We Try,” the lead single from TP was penned by former Motown staffer Ron Miller (see Diana Ross’s “Touch Me in the Morning”) and Pendergrass handled the production himself. One of the singer’s most exquisite performances, the song’s popularity was boosted by its inclusion on the soundtrack for the film Roadie (1980), which starred Meatloaf. TP also featured Pendergrass’s first collaborations with the songwriting and production team of Womack and Womack (Curtis and Linda Womack) on the track “Love T.K.O.” and Nick Ashford and Valerie Simpson (“Is It Still Good To You”). Additionally TP features Pendergrass’s pairing with touring partner Stephanie Mills on a cover of Peobo Bryson’s “Feel the Fire.” Mills recorded the track on her breakthrough album Whatcha Gonna Do with My Lovin’ (1979) and according to Pendergrass, “Stephanie and I were rehearsing for a show when I heard her sing ‘Feel the Fire’…Singing the song to myself as I listened to her belt it out during her soundcheck, I couldn’t help wondering how we would sound performing it as a duet.” (198) The song resonated with audiences—“our duets were so hot that, as with Marvin Gaye and Tammi Terrell, folks who didn’t know us assumed our passion was more than an act,” Pendergrass confided—and the duo recorded “Two Hearts” year later.

If TP gave indication of Pendergrass pursuing nuance in his recordings, It’s Time for Love (1981) was confirmation of that fact. The introspective lead single, “I Can’t Live Without Your Love” and follow-up “You’re My Latest, Greatest Inspiration” (with Womack and Womack on board) gives the strongest indication of the direction that Pendergrass wanted to pursue going forward. Pendergrass admits in his memoir that “with my fifth studio album…the Teddy Bear was doing more purrin’ than roarin’.” (211) Critics also noted the shift, as Stephen Holden observed in The New York Times: ““It was an open question as to whether Mr. Pendergrass could smooth out the roughest edges and develop a ballad style that was anywhere as potent as his ferocious shouting style….the strongest cuts on last year’s TP were all ballads that showed Mr. Pendergrass developing long narrative laments with unprecedented subtlety and emotional conviction.”

Pendergrass supported It’s Time for Love with a tour of England, with Mills, and was primed for the kind of crossover success that had eluded him during his solo career, when a winding road outside of Philadelphia placed his life, his career and his embodiment of an imagined black masculinity in jeopardy.

This Gift of Life

According to Teddy Pendergrass, it was on his birthday, March 26th 1982, that he first began to grasp the gravity of what had happened, more than a week earlier: “the eight days between the accident and my birthday passed a dark, painful blur…I had no idea where I was, who was in the room with me, what time of day it was, or sometimes even who I was.” (215). Officially, Pendergrass was driving his 1981 Rolls Royce, late in the evening of March 18, 1982 with a companion Tenika Watson, when he lost control of his car. Pendergrass and Watson were trapped in the car for more than forty-five minutes, with Pendergrass sustaining spinal chord injuries that would leave him paralyzed from below the waist and confined to a wheelchair for the rest of his life. As Pendergrass reflects in Truly Blessed, “In one single stroke, my body had been changed forever in ways that I could not even imagine, much less bear to think about. In my mind, though, I was still the same man I was when I started the drive back to Philadelphia that spring night.” (218)

If Pendergrass could assert that he had faith that he was the same man, as he looked beyond his accident, the same could not necessarily be said about communal faith in the meanings behind that body. If Pendergrass’s hyper-masculine and sexually potent body previously served as a salve for the anxieties produced in the midst of Disco’s decidedly queering of popular music, Pendergrass’s broken body became the site for a new set of anxieties about black masculinity. The source of that angst was the revelation that Pendergrass’s companion that night, Tenika Watson, was transsexual. Well before there was remotely a politically-correct way to address transsexual and transgendered people in the public realm (as if that’s the case even now), Watson was immediately positioned as some sort of freak. As Watson told The Philadelphia Tribune two months after the accident—which she escaped with minor injuries—“I can’t get over how people treat you, how they turn everything around…what really made me upset was the fact that the papers made me seem as though I was some kind of animal or demon and that I was not a God fearing person.”

Tellingly, Pendergrass’s accident marks a shift in black masculine performances within R&B, best exemplified in the increasing popularity of Luther Vandross (who would later produce “You’re My Choice Tonight (Choose Me)” for Pendergrass’s first post-accident recording session), Prince, Rick James, El DeBarge and Michael Jackson who all trafficked in androgynous and asexual performances of masculinity that were the antithesis of Pendergrass’s version of the Black Macho. Additionally, the period saw the emergence of a generation of rank-and-file falsetto R&B acts like Lillo Thomas, Richard “Dimples” Field, O’Bryan, a young Kenny “Babyface” Edmonds, Paul Lawrence and Ready For the World. These shifts were in motion before Pendergrass’s accident, but his accident put a fine point on the matter. In the two-plus decades since Pendergrass’s accident, R&B has featured few singers who have been successful singing in Pendergrass’s lower register, save the late Gerald Levert, who sang in a register higher than Pendergrass.

With Pendergrass in need of money for mounting medical expenses and PIR struggling in the aftermath of a recession and facing the prospect that their most important asset was literally shelved, Pendergrass’s manager Shep Gordon, located tapes of unreleased recordings that formed the basis for This One’s For You (1982) and Heaven Only Knows (1983). Though John A. Jackson suggest in A House on Fire, that the two albums contained “material originally deemed too inferior to release,” some tracks give a clear indication of how Pendergrass was imagining the trajectory of his career. The eerily titled “This Gift of Life,” the lead single from This One’s For You, had been previously released as the B-side to “Can’t We Try.” The title track to the album was a cover of the Barry Manilow hit, highlighting Pendergrass’s desire to interpret some of the pop standards of the time—a desire first articulated with his cover of Eric Carmen’s “All By Myself” during his 1979 concert tour. Pendergrass’s a capella performance at the end of “This One’s for You” gives the song a depth that Manilow could have never imagined. Heaven Only Knows even includes Pendergrass venturing into Country music, with the track “Crazy About Your Love.” The song seems an odd choice for Pendergrass, but it was likely recorded with Pendergrass keeping an eye on the fortunes of country music star Kenny Rogers (another noted baritone from the era), who was crossing over to the mainstream and Black audiences with Lionel Ritchie penned and produced tracks like “Lady” and “Through the Years”—tracks the helped Ritchie establish a mainstream presence when he went solo in 1982.

After a period of rehabilitation, Pendergrass was ready to return to the studio in 1984. With PIR no longer viable, Pendergrass signed with Elektra and released Love Language. Pendergrass’s voice was noticeably “lighter” and much of the production lacked the layers of lushness that was PIR’s signature, even in the years after the departure of its core musicians. The notable exception was Vandross’s production on “You’re My Choice Tonight (Choose Me),” a song that was later featured in the film Choose Me (1985). Love Language was also notable for the pairing of Pendergrass with a twenty-year old unknown named Whitney Houston. Pendergrass even managed to make a music video for the lead single “In My Time.”



Pendergrass returned a year later with Workin’ It Back, which featured Womack and Womack’s “Lonely Color Blue.” It was during the summer of 1985 that Pendergrass made his symbolic return to the public, performing live for the first time as part of the Live Aid Concerts. The concerts were the product of Rock artist Bob Geldof’s effort to raise money for famine relief, with performances broadcast from London’s Wembley Stadium and Philadelphia JFK Stadium. Pendergrass appeared alongside his long-time friends Nick Ashford and Valerie Simpson, performing a rendition of their classic song “Reach Out and Touch (Somebody’s Hands).” As Pendergrass recalls, “with Nick and Val on either side of me, I began to weep.”



Pendergrass never looked back. The strength of his voice had largely returned when Joy was released in 1988. Pendergrass eventually earned his first Grammy Award, after three previous nominations, for his 1992 cover of the early Bee Gees classic “How Do You Mend a Broken Heart,” which was also covered in the early 1970s by Al Green (arguably, the definitive version). Pendergrass’s last recording was the live From Teddy with Love (2002). In the aftermath of his accident Pendergrass became an advocate for people with spinal cord injuries, citing the inspiration that Johnny Wilder, Jr. the late lead singer of Heatwave, provided after Wilder became a quadriplegic in the aftermath of an auto accident in 1979. It was under the auspicious of Pendergrass’s non-profit organization The Teddy Pendergrass Alliance that many gathered in Philadelphia in 2007 to fete him and his 25 years of living since the accident. In an interview with The Philadelphia Tribune Pendergrass admitted “This is not a cartoon. This is not a movie. This is real life. I want to know, after something happens like this, how do you have a productive life in the meantime? That’s what this is about. I’m asking people to help me help others like me.”

Teddy Pendergrass may have once sang “Life Is a Song Worth Singing,” but in the last 28 years of his life, he proved that his was a life worth living.

***

Mark Anthony Neal is author of several books on music and popular culture, including the forthcoming Looking for Leroy, which will be published in 2011 by New York University Press and The TNI-Mixtape which will be available on-line for free download later this year. Neal is a Professor of African and African-American Studies at Duke University.




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Wednesday, January 20, 2010

Born to Use Mics: Reading Nas's Illmatic



FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Contact:
Caitlin Fitzpatrick, 212-340-8136
Caitlin.Fitzpatrick@perseusbooks.com
Publication Date: Jan. 4, 2010

BORN TO USE MICS: Reading Nas’s Illmatic
Edited by Michael Eric Dyson and Sohail Daulatzai

The Best and Brightest Writers of the Hip-Hop Generation
Reflect on the Era’s Landmark Album: Illmatic

* * *

At the age of nineteen, Nasir “Nas” Jones began recording tracks for his debut album and changed hip-hop and the face of the music world forever. Released in 1994, Illmatic is a captivating, personal account of life in New York’s Queensbridge housing project, as well as a meditation on the larger issues of the isolation, inequality, and the despair of urban poverty. Unprecedented in its lyricism and the power of its beats, the album was hailed as a masterpiece and set a new standard for hip-hop culture. Certified platinum by the RIAA, Illmatic soon took its rightful place amongst the most influential albums not only within hip-hop, but in all of popular music.

In BORN TO USE MICS: Reading Nas’s Illmatic (Basic Civitas: Trade Paperback Original; Jan. 4, 2010), editors Michael Eric Dyson and Sohail Daulatzai have brought together an original collection of critical voices to confront to confront Nas’s masterpiece in a “literary remix.” In a novel application of hip-hop’s method of sampling other musicians’ work and interpreting it in a new way, Dyson and Daulatzai use Illmatic as a sample, letting each contributor reinterpret and meditate on Nas’s work with a fresh perspective. Each scholar assesses an individual track from the album, using the song as a jump-off point for their own analysis. Understanding its legacy, charting its relationship with the evolution of hip-hop culture, and exploring the social forces that surround hip-hop music as a whole, the contributors to BORN TO USE MICS bring a fresh viewpoint to a classic album. Along with original reviews from the album’s release, interviews with Nas, and artistic “freestyles” on the themes and legacy of Illmatic, these new riffs are a brilliant engagement with and commentary upon one of the most incisive and incendiary sets of songs ever laid to wax.

BORN TO USE MICS assembles an impressive group of journalists, poets, filmmakers, musicians and scholars, all of whom are products of the hip-hop generation. Together, they cover a variety of issues, including:

Mark Anthony Neal on jazz, hip-hop, and fathers
Imani Perry on lyrical transcendence
Sohail Daulatzai on the significance of “N.Y. State of Mind” in a post-9/11 America.
Marc Lamont Hill on Nas as a black public intellectual
Kyra Gaunt on the intersection of Nas, hip-hop, gender, and patriarchy
James Braxton Peterson on hip-hop worldviews

Along with a number of other essays, BORN TO USE MICS reaffirms the influence and brilliance of Illmatic while also cementing hip-hop’s place in American music as a catalyst for dialogue and a call to action.

ABOUT THE EDITORS

Michael Eric Dyson, named by Ebony as one of the hundred most influential black Americans, is the author of seventeen books, including Can You Hear Me Now?, Holler if You Hear Me, Is Bill Cosby Right?, April 4, 1968, and Know What I Mean? He is currently University Professor of Sociology at Georgetown University. He lives in Washington, DC.

Sohail Daulatzai has written about race, culture and U.S.–Muslim relations, and is an executive producer on Free Rap, a benefit album for Jamil Al-Amin (formerly H. Rap Brown). He is the author of the forthcoming Black Star, Crescent Moon: Black Radicalism and the Muslim Third World, and a graphic novel on the film The Battle of Algiers. He is an Assistant Professor in African American Studies and Film and Media Studies at the University of California, Irvine. He lives in Los Angeles, CA.

ABOUT THE BOOK

BORN TO USE MICS: Reading Nas’s Illmatic
Eds. Michael Eric Dyson & Sohail Daulatzai
Published by Basic Civitas
Trade Paperback Original
Publication date: Jan. 4, 2010
ISBN: 9780465002115
$15.95 (US) / $20.00 (CAN)

▫ Contributors to BORN TO USE MICS will be available for interview, please inquire ▫

For additional information about BORN TO USE MICS and other Basic Civitas Books,
visit us online at www.basicbooks.com or follow us on Twitter at @BasicBooks

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Get Your Mind Right: NBA Puppets



Get Your Mind Right: NBA Puppets
by Brian Sims

"Dunkin’ on that Reindeer" is the latest commercial in Nike’s MVPuppets ad campaign, starring Kobe Bryant and Lebron James puppets, with holiday themes, and the voice of KRS-One.

The premise itself is a riot: Blitzen, a rogue reindeer in Santa’s stable, is overtaken by jealousy at the thought of Santa hanging out with Kobe and Lebron. He records the equivalent of a reindeer diss-track, challenging Santa (played by KRS) and the two MVPs to a game of basketball; which prompts Santa to drop a response track chronicling the ensuring battle.

"...in the kitchen cookin: eggs & hash / got a call from Blitzen, talkin trash / Ol' Saint Nicky, can't you see / You and your boy's you'll neva beat me… You can tell Kobe you can tell Lebron / and they can meet me on the court it'll be uh uh on..."

Humor aside for one second, the track itself is produced well-enough for Top 40 radio. The beat is actually a hybrid of multiple Rap genres, sporting an old school boom-bap cadence over Death Row-era piano basslines, highlighted by clever Young Jeezy-esque punchlines. And, the cinematography in the video would make Hype Williams himself proud - as it clearly borrows from some of his late '90s conventions.

Once upon a time, I would have been outraged at the clear, in your face, “exploitation” of Hip Hop by corporate America, in this case: billion dollar athletic apparel giant Nike. I would have seen this commercial as another in the long list of co-opted, commodified renderings of black art; what Duke professor and author Dr. Mark Anthony Neal has referred to as the “corporate annexation of black popular music.” Or better yet, in the words of Dr. Christopher Johnson: Danceable capitalism.

After all, the video is “shot” on the playground in the hood (despite the fact that James, Bryant (and ostensibly, Santa) are multi-millionaires). And there’s the nagging but all-too-familiar caricature of black masculinity (remember Lil Penny?). Not to mention the uber-clever colloquial parodies used in the song…for example… Santa is in the kitchen cookin ("hoodspeak" for preparing crack to be sold); and Blitzen is shortened to “Blitz” which sounds virtually identical to another b-word stereotypically associated with Rap music.

But before we scream foul… let’s consider this: Hip Hop marketing has been around almost as long as Hip Hop itself. Life in our monetary society necessitates persuasion of others, and Hip Hop is far from an exception. If you have a problem with Nike leveraging Hip Hop to sell sneakers to “urban youth” than you also have to have a problem with Pfizer selling pharmaceuticals to the sick, CNN selling “news” to the uniformed, Walmart selling food to the hungry, Hollywood selling movies to the bored, Covergirl selling makeup to those with low self-esteem, and universities selling education to the ignorant.

Read the Full Essay @ HipHopDX
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Tuesday, January 19, 2010

"Sampling Soul": The Syllabus



Sampling Soul
Department of African & African American Studies
Duke University

Spring 2010
Tuesday 6:00pm – 8:30pm
White Lecture Hall, 107

Instructors:
9th Wonder (Patrick Douthit)
Mark Anthony Neal, Ph.D.

Teaching Assistants:
Treva Lindsey, ABD
Samantha Noel, Ph.D.

Course Description

Soul Music emerged in the late 1950s and became the secular soundtrack of the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements of the 1960s and 1970s. Artists such as Aretha Franklin and James Brown and record companies such as Motown and Stax, as well as the term “Soul” became symbols of black aspiration and black political engagement. In the decades since the rise of “Soul,” the music and its icons are continuously referenced in contemporary popular culture via movie trailers, commercials, television sitcoms and of course music. In the process “Soul” has become a significant and lucrative cultural archive. Co-taught with Grammy Award winning producer 9th Wonder and Duke University Professor Mark Anthony Neal, “Sampling Soul” will examine how the concept of “Soul” has functioned as raw data for contemporary forms of cultural expression. In addition the course will consider the broader cultural implications of sampling, in the practices of parody and collage, and the legal ramifications of sampling within the context of intellectual property law. The course also offers the opportunity to rethink the concept of archival material in the digital age.

Books

Parodies of Ownership: Hip-Hop Aesthetics and Intellectual Property Law
~ Richard L. Schur

Making Beats: The Art of Sample-Based Hip-Hop
~ Joseph G. Schloss

Born to Use Mics: Reading Nas's Illmatic
~ edited by Michael Eric Dyson and Sohail Daulatzai

Freedom of Expression: Resistance and Repression in the Age of Intellectual Property
~ Kembrew McLeod

The James Brown Reader: Fifty Years of Writing About the Godfather of Soul
~ edited by Nelson George and Alan Leeds

Soul: Black Power, Politics, and Pleasure
~ edited by Richard Green and Monique Guillory

On Michael Jackson
~ Margo Jefferson

What the Music Said: Black Popular Music and Black Public Culture
~ Mark Anthony Neal


Course Overview

Week 1—Sampling Sampling
The Art and Aesthetics of Sampling
January 19, 2010

Introduction to sampling as a practice. Is sampling a recent phenomenon? What are the historical and artistic context for sampling practices. How do terms like appropriation, borrowing, parody, pastiche, collage and “theft” factor into our understandings of sampling practices. How has sampling practices impacted contemporary art?

Week 2—Sampling Soul
The Cultural and Historical Legacy of Soul
January 26, 2010

Soul Music emerged in the late 1950s, combining the drive of rhythm and blues, with the flourishes of the black gospel tradition. This week we will look at the musical foundations of Soul music and its impact on American culture.

Readings: Neal, What the Music Said (Intro: 1-24, Chap 1: 25-54); Soul: Black Power, Politics and Pleasure (Davis, “Afro-Images,” 23-31; Serlin, “From Sesame Street to Schoolhouse Rock,” 105-120; Wald, “Soul’s Revival,” 139-158)

Week 3—Sampling Blackness
Black Culture as Intellectual Property
February 2, 2010

Though various forms of black culture have circulated freely in the United States and across the globe, they have often done so as the property of corporate entities. What is the relationship between black bodies as chattel and black culture as property? What happens when the cultural expressions of a formerly enslaved peoples becomes intellectual property?

Readings: Schur, Parodies of Ownership

Week 4—Sampling Intellectual Property
Resistance and Repression in the Age of Intellectual Property
February 9, 2010
Guest Lecturer:
James Boyle
William Neal Reynolds Professor of Law at Duke University

The practice of sample based hip-hop have brought the subject of intellectual property law to the forefront of discussion about contemporary art. What exactly is intellectual property and what are the implications of current intellectual property law as it pertains to contemporary artists--particularly those who work outside of the mainstream—and concerns about artistic freedom?

Readings: McLeod, Freedom of Expression (Chap. 2: “Copyright Criminals: This is a Sampling Sport,” 62-113; Chap 3: “Illegal Art,” 114-170); Boyle, The Public Domain (Chap. 6 “I Got a Mashup” free download @ http://yupnet.org/boyle/archives/130)

Week 5—Sampling Beats
Sample-Based Hip-Hop
February 16, 2010

Is sampling beats “stealing” music and evidence of a lazy, uncreative impulse in contemporary art? In Making Beats, ethnomusicologist Joe Schloss argues that sample-based hip-hop is a legitimate art form unto itself.

Readings: Schloss, Making Beats: The Art of Sample Based Hip-Hop

Screening: Copyright Criminals (dir. Benjamin Franzen, 2009)

Week 6—Sampling Motown
Soundtrack to the Civil Rights Era
February 23, 2010
Special Session @ The Nasher Museum of Art
Guest Lecturer: Harry Weinger, VP of A&R, Universal Music

When Berry Gordy founded the Motown recording label in January of 1959, he had no idea that his little Detroit-based operation would become both of symbol black pride and of the possibilities of racial integration during the height of the Civil Rights Movement. Mark Anthony Neal and 9th Wonder will be joined by Harry Weinger, VP of A&R at Universal Music, who in his capacity has overseen the catalogues of Motown and James Brown. The session will examine why Motown’s music struck such a chord and discuss future projects such as a box set release of unreleased and live recordings by Michael Jackson and the Jackson Five from the 1970s.

Week 7—Sampling Illmatic
The Making of Nas’ Illmatic (1994)
March 2, 2010

When Illmatic, the debut recording from Queens, NY rapper Nas (Nasir Jones) was released in 1994, it had an immediate impact on the hip-hop industry. With contributions from DJ Premier, Large Professor and Pete Rock, among others, the recording was a sonic achievement that raised the bar for hip-hop production.

Readings: Dyson and Daulazai, ed., Born to Use Mics: Reading Nas’s Illmatic

Week 8—Sampling Soul Divas
Black Femininity as Intellectual Property
March 16, 2010

This week we will focus on “gendering” soul. We will explore a black women’s tradition within soul aesthetics and cultural forms. Using gender, class, and sexuality as critical lenses, we will examine the interplay of gender and sexual politics, black musical traditions, and sampling. We will also consider the relationship between soul expressions and black womanhood.

Readings: “‘All That You Can't Leave Behind’: Black Female Soul Singing and the Politics of Surrogation in the Age of Catastrophe” by Daphne Brooks, Meridians: feminism, race, transnationalism 8.1 (2008) 180-204; “Toni Braxton, Disney, and Thermodynamics by Jason King, TDR Fall 2002, Vol. 46, No. 3 (T175), Pages 54-81.

Week 9—Sampling James Brown
James Brown and the Birth of Funk
March 23, 2010

With the release of “Cold Sweat” (1967), James Brown spearheaded a rhythmic revolution in pop music, creating a style known as “Funk.” With an emphasis on an accented first beat (“on the one’), Brown’s innovative relationship to syncopation was quickly appropriated by the burgeoning hip-hop movement; Brown remains one of the most sampled artist in pop music history.

Readings: The James Brown Reader, ed. George and Leeds, (Part 1: 1960s, 7-54; Part 2: 1970s, 57-141; Part V: 2000-2007, 235-265, 265-293)

Week 10—Sampling Queer
Queer Sounds, Queer Samples
March 30, 2010

Although African American musical forms like hip hop are now accepted forms of mainstream popular music, not all of the music produced within these genres are accepted. Sampling Queer offers a critical way of thinking about how various sonic tropes that are sampled are often rendered queer by virtue of not adhering to conventional understandings of soul, hip hop, and R&B.

Readings: “Feeling like a woman, looking like a man, sounding like a no-no”: Grace Jones and the performance of Strange in the Post-Soul Moment, ”Francesca Royster, Women & Performance: a journal of feminist theory, Volume 19, Number 1, March 2009 , pp. 77-94(18); “Any Love: Silence, Theft, and Rumor in the Work of Luther Vandross,” Jason King , Callaloo, Vol. 23, No. 1, Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender: Literature and Culture (Winter, 2000), pp. 422-447

Week 11—Sampling Geography
The Geographies of Soul
April 6, 2010

Though Soul Music is often referred to as a Southern phenomenon, the genre quickly spread throughout the nation, with many regions presenting their own unique spin on Soul, with Memphis, Philadelphia and Chicago leading the way.

Readings: Neal, What the Music Said (Chap 2: 55-84, Chap 3: 85-100, Chap 4: 101-124);

Screening: Still Bill (dir. Damani Baker, Alex Vlack, 2009)

Week 12—Sampling Diaspora
Black Diaspora as Intellectual Property
April 13, 2010

This week’s meeting will challenge our understanding of soul by considering various cultural forms from the Black Diaspora. We will explore the practice of recording artists sampling musical traditions from the Diaspora. In an effort to broaden our notion of how soul is expressed, we will also look at how visual artists represent ‘Diasporic’ soul.

Readings: "Power Music, Electric Revival: Fela Kuti and the Influence of His Afrobeat on Hip Hop and Dance music," Joseph Patel in Trevor Schoonmaker, (ed.), Fela: From West Africa to West Broadway (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 25-35; "The Black Atlantic in the Twentifirst Century: Artistic Passages, Circulations, Revisions," Peter Erickson, NKA: Journal of Contemporary African Art, no. 24 (Mar-Jun 2009), 56-70.

Week 13—Sampling Michael Jackson
The Man in the Mirror: Michael Jackson as Commodity
April 20, 2010

The Jackson Five’s first four single release for Motown records in 1969-1970 all went to the top of the pop charts, as the groups first national tour set sells records for the day. Already understood as the “leader” of his family group, when Michael Jackson released his first solo album, Got to Be There (1971), it provided just a glimpse at the genius that would become the most important musical icon of the late 20th Century.

Readings: Jefferson, On Michael Jackson

Week 14—Sampling Black Venus
The Artistic Legacy of the Hottentot Venus
April 27, 2010

The performances of artists such as Josephine Baker and Beyonce Knowles-Carter resonate within a particular black women’s performative tradition. This tradition builds upon the idea/iconography/trope of a “Black Venus.” This week we will hone in on black women popular culture artists who “sample” the “Black Venus” through remaking, refashioning, and reconfiguring prevailing racial, gender, and sexual ideologies.

Readings: “Recasting ‘Black Venus’ in the new African Diaspora,” Jayne O. Ifekwunigwe, Women's Studies International Forum , Volume 27, Issue 4, October-November 2004, Pages 397-412; “The "Batty" Politic: Toward an Aesthetic of the Black Female Body,” Janell Hobson, Hypatia, Vol. 18, No. 4, Women, Art, and Aesthetics (Autumn - Winter, 2003), pp. 87-105
Discussion Question (#10)