Showing posts with label Haiti. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Haiti. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 2, 2011

Duvalier’s Return to Haiti Reignites Préval Debate



Duvalier’s Return to Haiti Reignites Préval Debate
by Ferentz Lafargue

The unexpected arrival of former dictator Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier has incited another plot twist in the tragic-comedy known as Haitian politics. Duvalier’s reasons and/or ambitions for this return has elicited endless speculation from the moment his Air France flight touched down in Port-au-Prince. One of the first writers to solve this mystery was Huge Desrameaux. Writing in the Miami Herald, Desrameaux revealed that Duvalier had returned to Haiti in a quixotic attempt to reclaim what’s left of his ill-gotten fortune, which is currently being withheld by Swiss authorities. These fortunes will now be easier for the Haitian authorities to reclaim after the Duvalier Law—a Swiss law that eases the ability of a country to retrieve ill-gotten gains—went into effect today.

In spite of Duvalier’s efforts at arguing that his motives are more benevolent (he’s allegedly returned to help with earthquake relief and to donate his remaining bounty to the Red Cross) the audacity of returning to the island that he and his father plundered requires a voluminous amount of hubris. After all, did Duvalier seriously believe he could return home to Haiti and everyone would turn the other cheek?

Duvalier’s impromptu homecoming also offers another opportunity to debate the efficacy of President René Préval’s tenure in office. “Baby Doc” may be the spectacle du jour, but the real question that Haitians must address at this moment is, what is its post-Préval future?

Read the Full Essay @ America's Quarterly

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Ferentz Lafargue is guest blogger to AQ Online and is an assistant professor at the The New School for Liberal Arts.

Wednesday, January 19, 2011

Ed Gordon with Dr. Regine Jean-Charles



Weekly with Ed Gordon | Dr. Regine Jean-Charles discusses Haiti | 1/12/11

Wednesday, January 12, 2011

Haiti and the Year of Sorrow



Suffering continues a year after the earthquake.

Haiti and the Year of Sorrow
by Pascal Robert | TheLoop21

As the only nation created from a successful revolt of African Slaves, Haiti has been a beacon of light for oppressed people around the world. Ironically that same proud history of struggle through its valiant fight for liberty from the French in 1804 resulted in policies brought forth by its neighbors, many of whom were still steeped in slavery and colonialism, that mired Haiti in a cycle of poverty, political oppression, and periods of great suffering over its 200-year history.

In the face of such a history of turmoil, nothing has had the devastating affect on the lives of the Haitian people like the horrific earthquake that struck the country on Jan. 12, 2010. The category 7.0 colossus leveled the capital, Port-au-Prince, and devastated the towns of Jacmel and Leogane. In the end, nearly 300,00 Haitians lost their lives while the images of children with bodies lodged under pounds of rubble were broadcast to televisions around the world. The suffering of the Haitian people was put on display for all the world to see. The level of human devastation and misery felt by Haitians in the wake of the earthquake became a nightly spectacle that seared the hearts of people in almost every corner of the globe. Tears were shed by those who had little knowledge of Haitians and their proud history or the suffering they endured because of that history.

The resilience shown by the Haitian people in the face of this disaster was inspirational. The will to live among many of the earthquake's victims was evidenced by stories of individuals who had survived several days under debris, without water or food, to surprisingly be discovered by rescuers alive when all hopes of survival should have been lost.

Americans and the international community responded with a generosity and an outpouring of support demonstrated in those rare moments when humanity works under the guidance of its better angels. Celebrities, athletes and entertainers heard the cries of Haitian children dismembered by the earthquake loosing arms ands legs in often the most harsh, makeshift medical facilities. All together, Americans raised more than $1.4 billion in charitable donations. The international community pledged more than $10 billion to help Haiti just two months after the earthquake.

Though these efforts and pledges illustrated how people can often show the best intentions after such massive human devastation, the practical realities of planning and implementation combined with bureaucracy and sometimes mismanagement have denied the survivors of Haiti's earthquake the resources needed to adequately help them and their country get back on a trajectory toward any semblance of normalcy.

While more than 1 million Haitians languish in inadequate makeshift tents that have grown into whole towns and villages of displaced individuals, less than 12 percent of the temporary post-earthquake housing needed to protect them from hurricanes, massive rains and the indignities of often living without any latrines have been built since the earthquake. Because the earthquake damaged the main prison in the Capital of Port-Au-Prince, thousands of hardened criminals have taken to these tent cities and turned their innocent suffering fellow countrymen into prey.

Read Full Essay @ theLoop21

Tuesday, January 11, 2011

Haiti: Where Did the Money Go?



In January 2010, a 7.0 earthquake devastated Haiti. The international community, including one out of two Americans, pledged billions of dollars in aid, yet the nation has seen little improvement. Three hundred thousand died, nearly two million live in ramshackle tent cities. Cholera has swept through the population, killing thousands and hospitalizing many others. Only about 2% of the rubble has been cleared.

Is this what you expected when you pledged your aid dollars? Independent journalists Film@11.tv journeyed to Haiti in November 2010 to see the situation for themselves, and dig into the burning question: what happened to all that money?





Saturday, July 17, 2010

Haiti Update: Rape in the Camps




Something that gets lost in all the coverage of the Haiti earthquake is how people on the ground organize in the face of adversity. Rape and violence against women has become increasingly widespread in the tent camps across Haiti. While Haitian police and UN forces have done little, women on the ground are organizing to protect themselves. We spoke with Malia Villard Appolon, coordinator of KOFAVIV, the committee of women for survival.

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Saturday, April 24, 2010

We are not your weapons – we are women



by Amanda Kijera, civic journalist and activist in Haiti

Two weeks ago, on a Monday morning, I started to write what I thought was a very clever editorial about violence against women in Haiti. The case, I believed, was being overstated by women’s organizations in need of additional resources. Ever committed to preserving the dignity of Black men in a world which constantly stereotypes them as violent savages, I viewed this writing as yet one more opportunity to fight “the man” on behalf of my brothers. That night, before I could finish the piece, I was held on a rooftop in Haiti and raped repeatedly by one of the very men who I had spent the bulk of my life advocating for.

It hurt. The experience was almost more than I could bear. I begged him to stop. Afraid he would kill me, I pleaded with him to honor my commitment to Haiti, to him as a brother in the mutual struggle for an end to our common oppression, but to no avail. He didn’t care that I was a Malcolm X scholar. He told me to shut up, and then slapped me in the face. Overpowered, I gave up fighting halfway through the night.

Accepting the helplessness of my situation, I chucked aside the Haiti bracelet I had worn so proudly for over a year, along with it, my dreams of human liberation. Someone, I told myself, would always be bigger and stronger than me. As a woman, my place in life had been ascribed from birth. A Chinese proverb says that “women are like the grass, meant to be stepped on.” The thought comforted me at the same time that it made me cringe.

A dangerous thought. Others like it have derailed movements, discouraged consciousness and retarded progress for centuries. To accept it as truth signals the beginning of the end of a person–or community’s–life and ability to self-love. Resignation means inertia, and for the past two weeks I have inhabited its innards. My neighbors here include women from all over the world, but it’s the women of African descent, and particularly Haitian women, who move me to write now.

Truly, I have witnessed as a journalist and human rights advocate the many injustices inflicted upon Black men in this world. The pain, trauma and rage born of exploitation are terrors that I have grappled with every day of my life. They make one want to strike back, to fight rabidly for what is left of their personal dignity in the wake of such things. Black men have every right to the anger they feel in response to their position in the global hierarchy, but their anger is misdirected.

Read the Full Essay @ Race-Talk

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Wednesday, February 24, 2010

Haiti, Now and Next


special to NewBlackMan

Haiti, Now and Next:
Haiti’s Pact with the Devil? (some Haitians believe this too)
by Bertin M. Louis, Jr.

On January 12, 2010, a 7.0 earthquake devastated Port-au-Prince, Leogane, and other parts of Haiti. The day after this catastrophe, Reverend Pat Robertson, the host of the 700 Club and an influential voice in the American fundamentalist movement, remarked that centuries ago Haitians swore a pact to the Devil in order to gain their freedom from slavery under the French. The moment to which Robertson referred in his comments was the Bwa Kayiman Vodou ceremony that launched the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804). Despite the humanitarian efforts of his charitable organization currently assisting Haitians with earthquake relief, Robertson’s remarks strike many as callous and racist. But missing in some of the responses to those remarks in the midst of this unimaginable tragedy, which include condemnations and historical essays, is an important reality of the contemporary Haitian religious landscape which has been neglected thus far and bears analysis: some Haitians (Haitian Protestants, in particular) also believe that Haiti is cursed.

Evangelical Protestantism is a growing religious movement in Haiti which currently represents a third of the country’s population of over 9 million. Increasing numbers of Haitians, both at home and abroad, practice various forms of Protestant Christianity, such as Pentecostalism and the Baptist, Nazarene, and Methodist faiths. For example, the majority of Haitians in the Bahamas practice Protestant forms of Christianity. In interviews conducted with Haitian Protestants in Nassau, Bahamas in 2005, some of my informants claimed that Haiti “got its freedom the wrong way”—that is, because of the Bwa Kayiman Vodou ceremony that launched the Haitian revolution in 1791, the same Vodou ceremony that Pat Robertson referred to as a “pact with the Devil” in his untimely commentary. Vodou, formed between 1750 and 1790 on the plantations of colonial Haiti, is a creolized African religion that many Haitians currently practice. Vodou was important in the struggle for liberation among enslaved Africans because, as Leslie Desmanglesrightly observes, the rituals of Vodou provided the spirit of kinship that fueled the slaves’ revolt against their colonial masters.

Part of the Haitian national narrative well known among Haitians and scholars of Haiti is the Bwa Kayiman Vodou Congress led by Boukman. Boukman was a maroon who escaped from a plantation near Morne Rouge and led a Vodou ceremony that was pivotal to the beginning of the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804). At this ceremony Boukman encouraged enslaved Africans to dismantle the plantation system of Saint Domingue (Colonial Haiti) through the same type of violence that had been wrought upon them. As slaves who produced indigo, tobacco, and, at one point in history, two-fifths of the world’s sugar and half of the world’s coffee, it was not uncommon for slave masters, as Alex Dupuy writes, to “hang a slave by the ears, mutilate a leg, pull teeth out, gash open one’s side and pour melted lard into the incision, or mutilate genital organs. Still others used the torture of live burial, whereby the slave, in the presence of the rest of the slaves who were forced to bear witness, was made to dig his own grave [...]. Women had their sexual parts burned by a smoldering log; others had hot wax splattered over hands, arms, and backs, or boiling cane syrup poured over their heads.” All of these heinous acts were committed to force slaves to perform their duties on plantations.

Within this violent environment, many enslaved Africans resisted and fought against their captors. Therefore, it makes sense that enslaved Africans would reject the religious system (Christianity) forced upon them by slave owners. On August 14, 1791, Boukman uttered these prophetic words at Bwa Kayiman in defiance of the slave owners, which C.L.R. James quotes inThe Black Jacobins: “The god who created the sun which gives us light, who rouses the waves and rules the storm, though hidden in the clouds, he watches us. He sees all that the white man does. The god of the white man inspires us with crime, but our god calls upon us to do good works. Our god who is good to us orders us to revenge our wrongs. He will direct our arms and aid us. Throw away the symbol of the god of the whites who has caused us to weep, and listen to the voices of liberty, which speaks in the hearts of us all.” Boukman, along with others, tore the Christian cross from their necks. Six days later, slaves of the Turpin plantation, led by Boukman, indiscriminately massacred every white man, woman, and child they could find. This act of revolt began a general insurrection that would lead to the Haitian Revolution, the first successful slave revolt in the Western Hemisphere that extended the “rights of Man” (liberty, equality, and brotherhood) beyond Europeans and articulated a common humanity and equality embracing all Haitian citizens.

Although the story of Bwa Kayiman inspires many Haitians and other peoples of African descent who share a similar history of bondage (African-Americans, for example), many Haitian Protestants today find the history of the Bwa Kayiman ceremony offensive and believe that this was the exact historical moment when Haiti was “consecrated to the Devil.” Thus, Bwa Kayiman,by extension, ensured a legacy of misery in Haiti that is evidenced by the underdevelopment that grips it today.

This alternative view of Bwa Kayiman is clearly articulated, for example, by Chavannes Jeune, a pastor and evangelist from Les Cayes, Haiti, and a former candidate for the Haitian presidency in 2005. He is also the catalyst for “Haiti for the Third Century,” an interdenominational evangelical organization whose main purpose is to “take Haiti back from the devil and dedicate her to Jesus Christ.” Pastor Chavannes believes that the nation of Haiti is enmeshed in spiritual bondage because “the country was dedicated by a Vodou priest at its liberation” and “has been in bondage to the devil for four generations.” In this interpretation of Bwa Kayiman, Haitian Protestants like Pastor Chavannes view Vodou as a satanic religion, responsible for Haiti’s underdevelopment, continuing governmental corruption, endemic poverty, and probably the recent earthquake as well.

This radical, revisionist view of Haitian history reveals more about Haitian Protestant views with regard to Vodou than it does about why Haiti is so poor, or why Haiti was devastated by an earthquake. The enduring practice of Vodou, in the view of some Haitian Protestants, is the reason why Haiti is so poor, why its economy is in shambles, and why God chose to “punish” the island and its people with an earthquake. In other words, Vodou is the same as worshiping dyab(the Devil). Some Haitian Protestants who hold this view choose to scapegoat Vodou instead of looking at other parts of Haitian history to explain Haiti’s current misery, such as the multimillion franc indemnity Haiti paid to France, beginning in the nineteenth century, so that France wouldn’t invade Haiti after the Haitian Revolution. We can also look at the period when the Duvalier dictatorship (1957-1986) ruled Haiti through fear and violence, while siphoning millions of dollars of taxes and international aid for itself. While Jean-Claude Duvalier, the second “President for Life” during the Duvalier regime, who ruled from 1971-1986, and members of his circle grew fabulously rich, the majority of Haitians slipped deeper into poverty. The percentage of the Haitian population living in extreme poverty rose from 48 percent in 1976 to 81 percent in 1985. Under the Duvaliers, Haiti became the poorest country in the Western hemisphere.

There are numerous problems with the view that Haiti consecrated itself to the Devil more than 200 years ago. First, those Haitian Protestants who believe that Haiti is in bondage to the Devil recast the entire nation of Haiti as a sinful entity that can only be ameliorated through the conversion of the entire nation to Protestant and Pentecostal forms of Christianity. In other words, Haiti can only get itself back on track if every Haitian becomes some type of Protestant Christian. Conversely, this would require that Haitians reject Catholicism and Vodou, the majority religions of Haiti. Second, the view held by many Haitian Protestants that Haiti is cursed, condemns the slaves responsible for Haiti’s liberation, and by extension their descendants, rather than the slave owners who enthralled them and the institution of slavery itself. Thus, this problematic view of Haitian history suggests that slavery in Saint Domingue was a benign institution, or at least that it did not in fact merit the slaves’ revolt. Third, the revisionist history of Haiti as complicit in its own oppression through a “pact with the Devil” downplays the role black people played in making the Haitian revolution the first and only successful slave revolution in history. As Arthur and Dash write, “over the course of an epic 12 year struggle, the slaves defeated the local whites, the forces of the French Crown, a Spanish and a British invasion, and the massive expeditionary force sent by Napoleon Bonaparte,” with immense credit for these victories being due to Toussaint Louverture, the man who quickly emerged as the leader of the black armies.

Finally, the most important aspect of the Haitian revolution that gets lost in the belief that Haiti is “cursed” is that it demonstrated that black people (people of African descent) are human beings with the right to live dignified lives. This is a struggle that Haitians and other people of African descent are clearly still engaged in throughout the globe. The middle passage (where millions of Africans died in transport to the New World), centuries of chattel slavery, and the subsequent psychological and physical violence occurring on plantations tried to disprove the fundamental humanity of the black people who fought for the right to live free and dignified lives.

Haiti was the first country to articulate a general principle of common, unqualified equality for all of its citizens. The fundamental concept of a common humanity also ran deeply through the early Haitian constitutions. This belief is what connects Haitians with other people around the world, as was highlighted by President Barack Obama in a speech he delivered in the aftermath of the earthquake, which has claimed at least 230,000 lives at present. In the coming months, Haitians will continue to struggle to live dignified lives in the midst of destroyed homes, deceased family and friends, infrastructural challenges, and possible waves of infectious diseases that could claim additional lives. The belief that Haiti is cursed will not help Haiti recover from the devastating earthquake, but combating this growing view by placing it in its proper historical context reveals larger issues of structural inequality—forces which prevent Haitians, and the world’s poor, from living dignified lives in the twenty-first century.

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Bertin M. Louis, Jr. is a cultural anthropologist who received his PhD in Sociocultural Anthropology in 2008 from the Department of Anthropology at Washington University in Saint Louis, where he was a Chancellor’s Fellow and a Lynne Cooper Harvey Fellow. He is currently a Lecturer in the Africana Studies Program at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. His published work appears in several peer-reviewed journals (The Journal of African American Studies, Transforming Anthropology), the Greenwood Press publication The Encyclopedia of Multicultural America (Forthcoming 2010) and the Journal of Haitian Studies (Forthcoming 2010).

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Wednesday, January 27, 2010

On the Crisis in Haiti: From the Department of African & African-American Studies at Duke



From the Department of African & African American Studies at Duke University

On the Crisis in Haiti

We are humbled by the tribulations of the people of Haiti. At this time of destruction, suffering, death, and survival, we offer our condolences, our prayers, and our aid.

At the same time, as scholars of the African and African-American experience, we are dismayed by the inhumanity of those who have used this tragedy as an opportunity to espouse groundless explanations for Haiti’s troubles. The events unfolding in the Caribbean are the result of neither a supernatural curse nor of a cultural pathology. And we hope that as the relief efforts currently underway turn their focus to rebuilding, Haiti’s international partners will draw more appropriate lessons from the history of Haiti’s unique predicament in the world of nations.

Until 1791, Haitians suffered under one of the most brutal regimes of slavery ever known to mankind, generating astronomical profits for France at an equally astronomical cost in African lives.

Yet the enslaved Africans of Haiti accomplished the first successful slave revolution in recorded history. In its commitment to human equality, it exceeded that of the American Revolution. With donations of money and arms, Haiti helped to liberate what is now Venezuela, Peru, Ecuador, and Panama from the Spanish Empire. For such reasons, Haiti has long served as an inspiration to the enslaved and the oppressed. This inspiration is likely the source of the name of Durham's own Hayti neighborhood, like that of its counterparts across the United States.

And Haiti paid a dear price for its exemplary ambition to freedom. For example, as a precondition of diplomatic recognition in 1825, Haiti paid France an indemnity equivalent to roughly $22 billion in today's dollars, burdening the Haitian state with a crippling debt for generations. In fear of the example set by Haiti, the US denied diplomatic recognition until 1863, for over half a century. Thus, the slave-holding powers laid siege to the island nation. Despite an official economic blockade against Haiti by the US and the European powers, the Haitian peasantry secured a profitable place in the 19th-century coffee market. However, the US occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, 20th-century patterns of land acquisition by foreign corporations, a series of US- and French-backed dictators, and shifts in the global economy have set Haiti back, without, however, extinguishing the enormous hope, energy, and skills that Haitians bring to the building of a new future.

The Haitian people are heirs to a stunningly beautiful culture of collective labor, self-help, spiritual wisdom, musical performance, and indefatigable perseverance. The people of Haiti, their energetic diaspora, and their friends abroad can and must roll up their sleeves and work together for a better tomorrow.

Duke's Department of African and African American Studies commits itself to making the gifts and the travails of the Haitian people a continued inspiration to the entire world. With Haiti we stand united in the pursuit of clean water, nourishing food, life-sustaining shelter, good health care, and freedom for all. At this moment of crisis, we focus our prayers, our donations, and our efforts on saving the lives of our beloved Haitian brothers and sisters.

--The Department Faculty


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Haiti, Césaire, Translation, & The New Yorker



Haiti, Césaire, Translation, & The New Yorker
by Pierre Joris

The New Yorker, as we well know, has a house style and is proud of it. That this may be a natural thing to aspire to for such a venerable old publication isn’t too problematic as long as it applies to its journalistic pieces, from “Talk of the Town” to the various in depth investigative pieces The New Yorker is justly famous for. But this gets problematic when the same stylistic gauge is applied to its choice of literary artifacts, the translations of poems, for example. Now, we also know that in its stance for ethical correctness and good liberal relevancy, the magazine will speak its mind on current problems & disasters, natural or manmade. These two preoccupations came together in the recent issue that speaks to the earthquake in Haiti: the editors must have decided that the traditional light fare of its poetry department, which has usually been intellectually somewhat less demanding than its cartoons, needed to be upgraded for the occasion.

Thus they printed a poem by Aimé Césaire entitled “Earthquake,” translated (for the occasion, and therefore all too hurriedly?) by Paul Muldoon, the current poetry editor. Césaire is of course from Martinique, but I guess that is close enough to Haiti, or could even be the same speck somewhere off to the left of the page, if checked on that old map of America as seen from Manhattan looking out across the Hudson once published as a cover by The New Yorker. And given the poem’s title, “Earthquake,” it is possible to assume that it has something to do with a natural disaster in the Caribbean. Of course if one checks closer, one realizes that Césaire’s poem was first published in his book Ferraments in 1960, and may refer to some temblor in the Caribbean, though who knows? Well, if we go to the little Seghers Poètes d’aujourdui: Aimé Césaire volume, its editor, Lilyan Kesteloot, a Belgian scholar close to the poet from early on, makes it clear (cf, pp. 74-75) that the temblor in question is symbolic and that Césaire is referring to the political situation in Martinique during the fifties and describes — as Gregson Davis, another Césaire translator, writes — “events that culminated in Césaire’s disenchantment with and resignation from the French Communist Party.” So, using this poem to make a point about the current natural disaster in Haiti is sloppy literary adequatio, and disingenuous at best.

Worse than that, however, is the translation: Paul Muldoon must obviously have done this one rapidly to get the poem in under deadline and in basic New Yorker style, for it is a flat, bland, workshoppy version that loses all the power of Césaire’s language. Muldoon should have stayed with another of his magazine’s time-honored policies, namely never to print a poem that has been translated and published before — or, if willing to breach such a time-honored if somewhat non-sensical habit, he should have used one of the two extant translations of the poem that are way better than his quickie version (he may of course invoke the excuse of the deadline). The poem was first published in English in Clayton Eshleman and Annette Smith’s version in Aimé Césaire: The Collected Poetry (U of Cal Press, 1983) as well as by Gregson Davis’ translation, in Non-Vicious Circle /Twenty Poems of Aimé Césaire (Stanford U Press, 1984).

Read the Full Essay @ Nomadics

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Thursday, January 21, 2010

On Haiti's "Devil Pact" (ver. 2.0)


special to NewBlackMan

On Haiti's "Devil Pact"
by Regine O. Jackson

Managing representations of Haiti and Haitian people is always part of the response to crisis in Haiti. The enormity of the tragedy last week has meant even more vigilance. As many across the globe are scrambling to make sense of what happened and why, vivid depictions of “the poorest country in the Western hemisphere” and tall tales about the island nation’s “devil pact,” leave little room for the history of deliberate impoverishment and disempowerment of Haiti. Americans want to alleviate the suffering of millions of Haitian earthquake victims. The solution is not simple. But Americans who send soldiers to Iraq and Afghanistan understand the complex world.

Then again, perhaps the solution in Haiti is simpler. We might actually owe the Haitian people a fairer deal than the one they have been getting. But most of us are as feeble in our knowledge of Haiti, or the nation’s long relationship to the United States, as Pat Robertson. It’s important that we know more, because American assistance will play an important role.

Most Haitians and friends of Haiti think that Americans ought to know that Haitians, like Henri Christophe, shed their blood in fighting the British to free white Americans from tyranny. 500 Haitian troops joined American colonists and French soldiers in the attempt to drive the British from Savannah. Haitians made up the largest military unit to fight in the 1779 siege.

As Americans, we ought to know that the Haitian military victory over the French, the Spanish, the British, and then the French under Napoleon, owed less to Vodou – a profound and civilizing West African heritage that still flourishes in the Haitian homelands of Benin, Togo, and Ghana – than it did to the remarkable military leader and diplomat Toussaint L’Ouverture. The embarrassed French abandoned their imperial pursuits in the western hemisphere and sold Thomas Jefferson the entire span of land surrounding the two thousand mile Mississippi River. The Louisiana Purchase doubled the nation's size, making it formidable enough to withstand almost any outside threat; it gave the country its heartland. The U.S. benefited the most from Haiti defeating the big European powers, and since the British suffered greater losses in Haiti than they did at Waterloo, it likely tempered their ambition during the War of 1812.

But the honorable history and rich culture of Haiti is not all we ought to know. For Americans, who understand the complex world, understand the importance of history lest it repeat itself. We ought to know that Haiti’s recent earthquake is indeed a concrete manifestation of the many metaphoric ‘earthquakes’ suffered for the past four centuries.

We could start with the brutal, superexploitation of natural resources under French colonialism; the decades of international ostracism after the Haitian revolution that left the new nation with no trading partners; crippling international debt – especially to the French who demanded 150 million francs as reparations for the “property” in human flesh they lost with the abolition of slavery – which ruined the Haitian economy for over a century and a half; or the American occupation of Haiti from 1915 – 1934 that enflamed divisions among Haitians and resulted in the murder of hundreds including the charismatic leader Charlemagne Péralte.

Such a long view of Haitian history may seem immaterial, but even within my lifetime American policy towards Haiti helps to explain why this disastrous earthquake is devastating Haiti. Americans ought to know that:

•American support of oppressive dictatorships in Haiti, especially the Duvalier regime (1957 – 1986), led to the mass exodus of Haitian professionals, including doctors and engineers, and the accumulation of additional international debt and political instability in the island nation.

•Neo-liberal policies (punitive international trade and financial arrangements, such as loan aid instead of grants, the substitution of American rice for locally grown Haitian rice) are directly responsible for the flood of rural migrants to cities like Port-au-Prince, the feminization of poverty, and the relative failure of American assembly manufacturing plants to alleviate poverty in Haiti.

•The CDC designation of Haiti as the source of the AIDS crisis destroyed the tourist industry in Haiti, which in the 1950s and 1960s was one of the strongest in the Caribbean. Images of Haiti based on uncritical folk models which are not carefully or critically examined further damage any possibility of rebuilding.

•The coup against Jean-Bertrand Aristide from 1991 to 1994 frustrated efforts within Haiti to make sure the country could grow its own food, develop national industries and invest in rural areas and urban infrastructure (roads, bridges, buildings, a reliable power grid) and a clean water supply. As a condition of Aristide’s return, the country’s economy was geared toward paying off interest on Western debt and as a market for Western goods.

•The militarization of the UN's mandate in Haiti blocks proposals to invest some of the international community’s funds to reduce poverty or develop the agricultural sector, while the privatization of services with the proliferation of NGOs further weakened the Haitian state.

Americans ought to know that Haitians are simply asking for the support of a civilized world. Haiti needs our help to clear the rubble, to rebuild the roads, schools and hospitals – Haiti needs unconditional, humanitarian aid. But if this history teaches us anything, it is that cultural racism, which manifests in economic, social, political, and ideological damage to Haiti and exacerbates natural disasters, can also taint relief efforts. This is not an opportunity for the US to reshape Haiti for its own interests, but to finally let Haiti live.

***

Regine O. Jackson is Assistant Professor of American Studies Emory University

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Monday, January 18, 2010

Haiti IS Cursed–By Our Ignorance



Haiti IS Cursed–By Our Ignorance
by Farai Chideya

An op-ed in [the] New York Times begins by saying:

Those who know a little of Haiti’s history might have watched the news last night and thought, as I did for a moment: “An earthquake? What next? Poor Haiti is cursed.”

The author, Tracy Kidder is a well-respected journalist who penned Mountains Beyond Mountains, about public health guru Paul Farmer and his work in Haiti. But to use the “cursed” meme to sell people on an otherwise uncontroversial op-ed seems, to me, sensationalistic at best and at worst irresponsible. The word conjures up racialized images of voodoo (the fact that voudoun is actually a religion and not just a mockery is another battle I can’t even fight here) that people with far worse intentions are all too eager to exploit.

Take, for example, evangelist Pat Robertson, who says that Haiti “swore a pact with the devil” to become free of the French. (See the video below.)

The truth is far more inspiring, humbling, maddening, and challenging to our notions of freedom. The Devil probably could have cut Haiti a better deal than the French did. (And can we just talk about who that woman is sitting next to Pat Robertson and how she can stand looking at herself in the mirror after murmuring assent to Robertson’s words?) After being defeated militarily by revolutionary Toussaint L’Ouverture, the French colonial powers who held Haiti demanded reparations in the form of 150 million gold francs in order to recognize the new, free nation. That number was later, generously of course, reduced to 90 million gold francs, or over $20 billion current U.S. dollars.

The ripple effect of this bargain cannot be underestimated. A free Haiti was hobbled economically from the start. They did not finish paying off the “independence debt” to france until 1947. The triangle of Haitian/French/US relations also paved the way for the Louisiana Purchase, which expanded and enriched the United States. Deposed former Haitian President Jean Bertrand Aristide wanted to get the money back from France. The current President has forgone any such claims. (A good primer on the claim for the return of the money comes from this article from the Wall Street Journal.)

Read the Full Essay @ Farai Chideya

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Thursday, January 14, 2010

What Pat Robertson is Really Saying About Haiti



What Pat Robertson is Really Saying About Haiti
by John L. Jackson, Jr.

There are many reasonable people (and even some otherwise unreasonable ones) who would maintain that Pat Robertson's take on the recent earthquake in Haiti need not be dignified with a response. I understand that point, and I see where its adherents are coming from. But we are fooling ourselves if we think that Robertson represents an isolated quack. We ignore him at our own peril, especially since there are many people who accept his basic premises without question. So, I do feel like a few words are in order about the significance of his supernatural claims about divine justice.

One thing to note is that the political "fringe" is no longer as fringe as it might once have seemed. I got about 10 messages (via twitter, email, and facebook) regarding Robertson's comments within a few hours of him making them. I've also seen his thoughts discussed on several cable news programs on several different channels more than just a few times in the last day and a half. His comments have gone viral, and it means that "dignified" or not, they are circulating quite widely already.

If you are still one of the few people who haven't heard it, Robertson argues that 18th and early 19th century Haitians were able to throw off the chains of race-based slavery and colonial dependency by (literally!) making a pact with the devil. As a function of that Faustian bargain, they have been cursed by God, which explains their history of violence and their contemporary degree of poverty.

I got the surreal news (via text message) about the Haitian disaster on an Amtrak train from Washington DC to Philadelphia Tuesday evening (after attending the AAA symposium on race that I blogged about on Monday). And it just so happens that I was reading, in an almost eerie kind of irony, a small new book by Susan Buck-Morss during that ride, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History.

The book is an extrapolation on her Critical Inquiry article (from 2000) where she tried to argue that Hegel got his master-slave metaphor from the Haitian revolution, and that such a seemingly clear and self-evident historical fact has been sorely under-appreciated (in fact, missed just about entirely) by the best and brightest philosophers and historians who have worked on Hegel. She chalks these omissions up to a series of factors, including the narrowcast biases of disciplinization and academic specialization. Buck-Morss argues that the early Hegel was clearly influenced and inspired by the Haitian revolt (championing the psychic need for slaves to forcibly reclaim their full humanity by asserting it in the face of brutal reprisals), even if the later Hegel (of The Philosophy of History) ends up dismissing all of Africa as radically ahistorical, uncivilized and unprepared for full sovereignty.

In many ways, Robertson's pseudo-religious reading of the Haitian tragedy is a sensationalized version of the very logics that Buck-Morss critiques.

Read the Full Essay @ From the Annals of Anthroman

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Wednesday, January 13, 2010

Saving Haiti



Saving Haiti
by Joel Dreyfuss

Some countries are just not lucky. Haiti is one of those places where bad things keep happening. The massive earthquake that destroyed a large part of the 250-year-old capital city, Port-au-Prince, is just the latest blow for a country that can ill afford any more disasters. In the last two decades, Haiti has suffered a series of coups, flawed elections, high crime and inept governments. Last year, back-to-back hurricanes devastated cities in Haiti's central plain, its richest and most fertile region.

Haiti is a country with a glorious past, a brutal present, and a bleak future. It is also a country sharply divided along class and cultural lines. You will hear over and over in the coming days that it is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. What you will not hear is that it is also a country rich in culture, world-class art, and music that is celebrated all over the French-speaking world.

For those of us who were born there, each setback is a blow in the gut, a reminder of the precarious state of our native land. It also gives us a gnawing sense of guilt about how fortunate we are to be in places where systems work, building codes are enforced and a system of emergency rescue exists.

Read the Full Essay @ The Root

To Contribute to Relief Efforts in Haiti: Yele Haiti or The American Red Cross

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