Showing posts with label Black Men. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Black Men. Show all posts

Monday, June 27, 2011

Tony Cox: Helping Black Men Raise Failing Grades



Tell Me More w/Michel Martin | NPR

Helping Black Men Raise Failing Grades
by Tony Cox

Some thoughts about school and the struggles black kids face. Lots of folks with lots of experience have lots of opinions about what to do to better educate young African-American males. Harvard scholar Henry Louis Gates recently offered yet another glimpse into the issue, suggesting in a piece for the website The Root that the need is dire, which of course it is.

But for many of us in education — and to my mind that includes parents, family and friends — the problem is more than knowing what's needed. It's knowing how to get it done and make it work, how to get young African-American men not only interested but engaged in learning, and enjoying rather than dreading the journey. That requires a lot of commitment from them and from us, and there are no shortcuts.

Besides my work here at NPR, I am a tenured professor in broadcast journalism at California State University, Los Angeles. I primarily teach writing, and it troubles me to no end to see young black men struggle in my classes because they can't or don't see the value of an education and the effort required to obtain one. Records show black male students badly lagging in their graduation rates from colleges and universities. When we see them on campus, they often dress differently, speak differently, have different expectations, and in the classroom can sometimes be difficult to reach.

Wednesday, March 16, 2011

There’s No Crying In Basketball?



There’s No Crying In Basketball?
What The Heat’s Tears Say About Masculinity & Emotion
by Jamilah Lemieux

I don’t follow sports much, but my beau is a hoops fanatic. I decided that, better than to be a ‘basketball widow’ this season, I might as well learn to appreciate the game and watch along with him from time to time. Between him, his friends and the interesting folks that I follow on Twitter, I’ve heard a lot about Miami Heat player Chris Bosh. More than people speak about his abilities on the court, they mention his tendency to cry after games and his recent remarks about the importance of “man hugs”. I don’t think you need two guesses to figure out what kind of response that’s gotten him from the young brothers out here.

Le sigh.

I understand that the idea of a grown man crying publicly and advocating for man-on-man affectionate touch makes many people uncomfortable, but I think that’s sad. Men–Black men in particular–aren’t typically granted the space to be emotional or affectionate. They aren’t allowed to express their feelings in the ways that women are. How many times have you heard even very young boys told to stop crying and “man up”? In a particularly tragic incident last year, a Long Island man beat his 17-month old son to death in a failed attempt to get him to ‘toughen up’.

I’ve often heard activist and writer Kevin Powell discuss the misnomer that men simply aren’t as emotional as women; since they aren’t given the freedom to cry or speak at length about their feelings, they often times express them through yelling or violence. I’m inclined to agree. While I do understand that there may be some inherent differences between the sexes (and no universal pattern of behavior that defines either of them), it seems apparent that we dehumanizing our men with the expectation that they remain ‘hard’ at all times.

Read the Full Essay @ Clutch Magazine

Tuesday, January 4, 2011

Waldo Johnson Explores Ideas Surrounding Plight Of Black Men



Q & A: Social Scientist Explores Ideas Surrounding Plight Of Black Men
by The Atlanta Post

Dr. Waldo Johnson, a social scientist at The University of Chicago, has put together a book that he hopes will gets us closer to understanding the plight of Black men, whose trials and tribulations are yet to be fully explored in academia. His book, Social Work with African American Males: Health, Mental Health and Social Policy, integrates the perspective of several Black scholars and, hence, integrates both a professional and personal insight into “what’s hurting and helping young Black men.” We spoke to Dr. Johnson to learn more about this important work.

What inspired you to write this book and collaborate with others on this project?

The book is the result of a research conference that I hosted at the School of Social Service Administration at the University of Chicago in May, 2005. Earlier drafts of several of the chapters contained in the book were presented as conference papers at the conference. At the encouragement of my dean, I decided to organize the research presentations and invited several other scholars to contribute research papers to form the edited volume.

Because the focus of the conference was social work responses to African American males across the life course, I invited social work and other social science scholars whose research examines the various social statuses and well-being indicators represented in the volume. As a fatherhood research scholar, I realized that my capability to address all of these issues and social statuses was limited. I also sought to identify new and emerging scholars, many of whom were junior research faculty, as contributors to the volume because my early research efforts were supported by mid-career and senior scholars.

I recognized that the younger scholars would either bring fresh perspectives to persistent issues and problems that plague African American males or would be addressing emerging issues and identifying human and social capital among African American males for solving problems.

Obviously you’re familiar with your subject matter but what would you say was the most most surprising finding, for you, that came from this book?

I am broadly familiar with the various issues and problems that are addressed in the edited volume. I have addressed a number of these issues in my own research. The most surprising findings are not simply the approach that individual contributors take in conducting this scholarship contained in the volume but also their personal motivation for doing so. For example, my earlier research which focused on unwed fatherhood among low income African American males emerged as a result of my prior social work practitioner career engaged in adolescent pregnancy prevention programming aimed at high school and young adult African American males.

As a social work practitioner and subsequently as a social work researcher, I came to recognize that the lack of strong paternal and son relationships contributed significantly to the escalation of intergenerational adolescent and young adult fatherhood among those in my studies. As an African American male growing up in Americus, Georgia located in the state’s southwestern region, I enjoyed a strong, positive relationship with my own father. My interest in examining the growing phenomenon of unwed and nonresident fatherhood among low-income African American males emerged as I began to consider how profoundly different my life course might have been under such circumstances.

However, like many of the contributors to this edited volume, I recognize the fragility of our respective social statuses and how as African American males, many of us have been touched personally or indirectly by many of the issues and problems examined in this volume. Recently, I participated in a social science research scholars network meeting focused on masculinity and the wellbeing of African American males in which one of the speakers asked those in the audience to stand if they knew someone personally who is or have been incarcerated. In a room of approximately fifty early and mid-career African American research scholars, all holding at least a doctoral degree and many on faculties at some of the nation’s top colleges and universities, less than ten persons remained seated. I dare say that incarceration does not impact the lives of our peer colleagues in this manner. The increasing pervasiveness of such issues and problems among African American males heightens the urgency that we as African American social science researchers share in seeking viable solutions.

Read the Full Interview @ The Atlanta Post

Tuesday, October 26, 2010

Barbershop Outreach Boosts Blood Pressure Control in Black Men


from MedPage Today

Barbershop Outreach Boosts Blood Pressure Control in Black Men
By Charles Bankhead, Staff Writer, MedPage Today

Hypertensive black men who got health education and monitoring along with a haircut from their barbers were able to achieve better blood pressure control, according to data from a two-year randomized intervention study.

The study, involving more than 1,000 men who patronized 17 black-owned barbershops in Dallas County, Texas, from March 2006 to December 2008, found that almost 10% more of them achieved predefined blood pressure levels with free monitoring and encouragement for physician follow-up compared with those who received only educational pamphlets.

The nonblinded barbershop intervention resulted in a trend toward lower systolic blood pressure, reflected in an absolute difference of 2.5 mm Hg compared with the control group, reported Ronald G. Victor, MD, of the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center in Dallas, and colleagues.

The results suggest an intriguing public health opportunity, Victor and colleagues concluded in an article published online in Archives of Internal Medicine.

"The data add to an emerging literature on the effectiveness of community health workers in the care of people with hypertension," the researchers wrote in conclusion.

"Contemporary barbers constitute a unique workforce of community health workers whose historical predecessors were barber-surgeons," they added.

An estimated 70% of hypertensive black men have blood pressure that exceeds recommended levels (Hypertension 2008; 52: 818-827). The CDC has assigned priority status to the development of novel hypertension outreach programs to deliver messages that resonate with black men, the authors wrote in the introduction to their findings.

Traditionally, black churches have partnered with the medical community as conduits of medical outreach, but fewer black men attend church than do black women, the authors noted. Black-owned barbershops have special appeal for community-based interventions because of their status as a cultural institution that draws a large and loyal male clientele, providing a comfortable discussion forum for numerous issues -- including healthcare.

Barbershop-based hypertension outreach programs have become increasingly common, wrote Victor and co-authors. Whether the programs improve hypertension control among black men has remained unclear, however.

The authors conducted a randomized controlled trial to assess the potential for barbershop outreach programs to effect better blood pressure control among hypertensive black men. All black male patrons of the 17 Dallas County barbershops were offered baseline blood pressure screening for hypertension.

Screening criteria included self-reported use of prescription blood pressure medication, a blood pressure higher than 135/85 mm Hg for men without self-reported diabetes, or a pressure greater than 130/80 mm Hg for diabetics, the investigators explained.

After the baseline period, barbershops were randomized to distribute pamphlets about hypertension as a control group or to act as an intervention group, where barbers continually offered blood pressure checks to all male customers and dispensed sex-specific messages about blood pressure control.

The barbers in the intervention group discussed blood pressure control and encouraged their customers to seek follow-up evaluation from physicians. Messages also were conveyed through the use of wall posters showing actual barbershop customers involved in hypertension treatment-seeking behaviors.

Hypertensive black men identified through screening received identical treatment prior to randomization of the barbershops.

The nine barbershops were randomized to the intervention, involving 539 patrons with confirmed hypertension. The eight barbershops assigned to the control group had a total of 483 patrons with confirmed hypertension.

The evaluation period lasted 10 months, and the primary outcome was the proportion of customers in each group who achieved blood pressure control of <135/85 mm Hg (<130/80 mm Hg for diabetic men). At baseline, 69% of the men were being treated for hypertension, and 38% of the men had blood pressure at the defined control level. At the end of the study, the proportion of barbershop patrons with blood pressure control increased in both groups: 19.9% in intervention group and 11.1% in the control group (P<0.001). However, the intervention group had significantly greater improvement from baseline compared with the control group (P=0.03).

The authors noted several important limitations to the study. For one thing, not all barbers participated fully, and not all patrons agreed to have their BP monitored and be referred for physician follow-up. Because study sites were confined to a single county, the results cannot be generalized to other areas. Additionally, because the barbershops' clientele were predominately middle income, "the intervention had limited ability to reach very low-income individuals who will require other types of intervention," the authors wrote.

They stressed that the study "provided a snapshot of BP improvement at a point in time and does not demonstrate whether the outcomes are sustainable, particularly because financial incentives were paid to barbers for conducting the intervention and to patrons for following their advice in seeking medical attention."

Additionally, because hypertensive patrons chose their individual physicians, data could not be collected on increased antihypertensive treatment costs associated with the intervention.

But "the results of this study provide the first evidence for the effectiveness of a barber-based intervention for controlling hypertension in black men and indicate that more research is needed to develop a highly effective and sustainable intervention model prior to large-scale program implementation," the authors wrote in their discussion.

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Friday, October 15, 2010

The Million Man March 15 years later: A movement or a moment?



by Mychal Denzel Smith

It has since been romanticized, revered, criticized, satirized, and emulated, but 15 years ago the Million Man March represented for many an all too rare moment of solidarity among black men from across America. On October 16, 1995, the Million Man March, organized by Minister Louis Farrakhan and the Nation of Islam, was held in Washington, D.C. on the National Mall, site of the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The goal of the march was to call forth "a million sober, disciplined, committed, dedicated, inspired black men to meet in Washington on a day of atonement."

The all-day affair featured performances and speeches from various community and national leaders, including Dick Gregory, Rev. Benjamin Chavis, Rosa Parks, Rev. Jesse Jackson, Maya Angelou, Marion Barry, Dr. Betty Shabazz, Cornel West, Dorothy Height, and Farrakhan himself. Each of the speakers stressed the call for a "day of atonement," a phrase that has since become a second name for the march, emphasizing the desire for black men to abandon destructive behaviors and re-dedicate themselves to being stalwarts and leaders in their communities.

This sentiment was eloquently echoed in the speech of then 14-year-old Ayinde Jean-Baptiste (who went on to become a community organizer and motivational speaker) who said at the time: "You must change today so that tomorrow may dare to be different, and when you have fought back, and regained your pride, when you have won some battles, when you are able to tell the stories of your heroism, when you can pass on to your young the tradition of struggle through examples of your having stood up for a better tomorrow."

At the culmination of the day's events, Farrakhan asked all those in attendance to join him in taking a pledge which included vows to "strive to love my brother as I love myself" and "never again use the 'b-word' to describe any female. But particularly my own black sister."

The day, for those men who partook in the march, was an electrifying experience. "There was just excitement in the air," David Hannah, a Vietnam veteran who attended after being persuaded to do so by a group of friends, says, "It was just amazing to see so many black guys coming together for a cause." "All the speakers were great," according to Hannah but it was "the one-on-one conversations" among the men in the crowd that allowed for sharing of stories and moments of bonding that stuck with him the most.

Marcus Smith, a student at Virginia Commonwealth University in Richmond, Virginia, who was a second grader at the time of the march, recalls being impacted by the enormous outpouring and sheer number of attendees. "Even then I knew it was something special seeing all the people," Smith says, "Me, my brothers and our father got to see it together. It was a great moment to see as a child." For him, it was an event that showed what was possible for black people. "It was that moment of black solidarity that is rare in modern times," according to Smith who feels that the visual beauty of the march has had a lasting impact on him.

Read the Full Essay @ theGrio

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Friday, October 8, 2010

The Black Man's Code of Conduct



The Black Man's Code of Conduct
by Mychal Denzel Smith | TheLoop21

I was in New York City recently and had a chance to sit down and soak up the wisdom of a man I truly admire, Professor R. L’Heureux Lewis of City College New York. Professor Lewis has done a lot of work to highlight and address the concept of black male privilege, and I wanted to talk to him and gain insight on the types of things that need to be done to get our community moving forward on redefining black masculinity and promoting new models of black manhood.

When I arrived at his office, Professor Lewis was with a student and needed to step out for a bit, but told me to go in, take a seat, and introduce myself to the student. I walked in, took a seat, nodded, said “what’s going on, bruh?”, and then basked in the silence. Upon Professor Lewis’ return, he queried as to what I and the other young man had learned about each other; neither of us could produce an answer. We had been sitting in the same space for nearly two minutes, and didn’t even know each other’s names.

I’ve long been aware of the tension that often characterizes the interpersonal relationships of black men. I can remember as a teenager many fights starting between brothers because one looked at the other the “wrong way.” Walking past other black men in any public space, I’d consciously avoid eye or accidental physical contact, an affront of the worst kind, lest I be forced to defend myself against a group of brothers much larger and angrier than myself. I was lucky, I could typically talk my way out of these situations.

Not everyone is that fortunate.

I can’t say what exactly is the source of this tension and mistrust among black men, as it can differ for everyone, but it is fed by our collective insecurities and desire to protect our respective manhoods. There are brothers who have suffered physical or sexual abuse at the hands of another black man and now question the motives of every brother they see. There are brothers so fearful of their own sexuality, they project it onto others and wish attack. There are brothers who buy into the stereotypes that depict black men as naturally and viciously violent, either wanting to adopt that persona or protect themselves from it in others. No matter the process that birthed this mentality, it has manifested itself in a way that impedes the process of black men addressing one another with respect and love.

I say we permanently adopt the attitude we embrace when we notice that we are alone in a space occupied by a majority of white people.

Read the Full Essay @ theLoop21

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Friday, August 13, 2010

Five Dead Niggers vs. Eleven Uttered Niggers: A Racial Scorecard



Saturday Edition
Five Dead Niggers vs. Eleven Uttered Niggers: A Racial Scorecard
by Mark Anthony Neal

One index of contemporary race politics in the United States is the recent arrest of accused Israeli serial killer Elias Abuelazam and Dr. Laura Schlessinger’s on-air utterings of the word “nigger.” On their own merit, the Abuelazam arrest, in which he is accused of stabbing thirteen men, five of them fatally, and virtually all of them Black, should easily trump the meltdown of yet another way-too visible, highly compensated so-called celebrity. But such is not the case; while Schlessinger’s rant has been the talk of the chattering class on faux news programs and the blogosphere, even eliciting an apology by Schlessinger herself, the Abuelazam case has been buried in newspaper accounts, as Tom Socca points out in his smart piece “How Many Black Men Do You Have to Murder to Make the Front Page of the New York Times?” At the crux of the media’s seeming disconnect is the reality that eleven uttered “niggers” are a better news story than five dead “niggers.”

The mainstream corporate media’s gravitation to the Schlessinger story, might be excused if it actually forwarded an honest and critical conversation about race—or rather Black/White relations—but a cursory listen to the Schlessinger broadcast, which has gone viral, is a quick reminder of that impossibility. Weeks after the Shirley Sherrod controversy, in which commentators collectively missed an opportunity to illuminate the realities of racial terror and violence for the Youtube generation, Schlessinger’s comparison of the racist sentiments felt by a black women caller involved in an interracial marriage, to the routines of “black comedians” on HBO is juvenile.

That mainstream media felt compelled to cover a story, that should have been outright dismissed as pure folly, only highlights how childlike mainstream corporate media’s coverage of race politics have been. At this point we shouldn’t expect anymore from an institution that has devoted a summer long vigil for a drug-addicted B-list, former child actor, who happened to spend a few days in jail for driving under the influence.

In the case of Abuelazam, the mainstream media is often reticent to claim racist intent, in the face of attacks that seem evidently racially motivated; no doubt this contributes to their unwillingness to highlight a story in which the vast majority of the victims are Black. Thus the Abuelazam case, which focuses on a series of murders over the past four months in Flint, MI (arguably ground zero for the current financial crisis), like a similar case involving a series of murders of Black women in Rocky Mount, NC last year has flown way below the radar.

Giving mainstream corporate media some benefit of the doubt that they want to get the story right—indeed Abuelazam own mysterious racial identity complicates this—the darker explanation of their coverage is the fact that their core audiences could really care less about the death of a bunch of niggers, whether they be the men in Flint, Michigan, the too many black women victims of domestic violence (often at the hands of men who look just like them) or even the world’s most popular basketball player being burned in effigy in Cleveland.

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Wednesday, December 9, 2009

'The Precious Specials' - A Conversation with the Brothers



'THE PRECIOUS SPECIALS' - A CONVERSATION WITH THE BROTHERS

Hosted by Esther Armah (WBAI/Wakeup Call)

Guests are: Quintin Walcott, Director of the CONNECT Training Institute and CONNECT’s Male Anti-Violence Initiatives; Mark Anthony Neal, author and Professor of African and African American Studies @ Duke University; Sharif Simmons, Creative Writing Teacher at the Alice Steven Center from 5th Grade to High School in Birmingham Alabama, Poet, Musician and Single Father.

Discussion of Black Male media reactions to the film Precious

Ishmael Read "The Selling of Precious" (Counterpoint)
Armond White "Pride and Precious" (New York Press)

Listen to Conversation HERE
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Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Black Women's Health and Domestic Violence



Black men need to wake up to the facts on our women's health
by Mark Anthony Neal

October is both Breast Cancer Awareness Month as well as Domestic Abuse Awareness Month and, on the surface, the two seem to have little in common except concern for the quality of women's lives. Most men understand that breast cancer and domestic violence represent forms of crisis in the lives of black women, but I'd like to suggest that our dismissive attitude towards women's health care issues represent a form of abuse itself.

According to the Chicago Foundation for Women "violence against women and girls is a cradle-to-grave epidemic." The Institute on Domestic Violence in the African-American Community at the University of Minnesota found that black women were 30 percent more likely to be subject to domestic violence than white women and 250 percent more likely to be the subject of such violence than men. Additionally, black women account for more than 20 percent of the homicides associated with domestic violence despite only representing 8 percent of the national population.

Thankfully, there is now a generation of men, including activists and educators like Jackson Katz, Quentin Walcott, director of the CONNECT's Community Empowerment Program in New York, Ulester Douglass of Men Stopping Violence in Georgia and filmmaker Byron Hurt who are providing leadership in getting men of all races to understand their complicity in violence against women. It is still a struggle to get men to speak out against violence against women, but the aforementioned men represent tremendous growth in that regard.

Thanks to organizations like Susan G. Komen for the Cure, the foundation behind the pink ribbons and wrist bands so prominently featured during Breast Cancer Awareness Month, society is beginning to grapple with the disproportionate effect of the disease on black women, who, while less likely to get the disease than their white peers, are far more likely to die from it.

There are lots of reasons for the discrepancies between black and white women, but I'd like to highlight the roles that black women play as caretakers and nurturers in our communities. Also, black women are seemingly more willing to address the high incidence of hypertension and prostate disease among black men, often at the expense of addressing their own health issues.

Ironically, few black men seem to take the same interest in black women's health concerns or their own health issues for that matter. Men have been socialized to think of diseases like breast cancer, fibroids and osteoporosis, as simply examples of "women's diseases." Some men are likely to dismiss diseases that disproportionately affect women, because they were told as boys that it was "mommy's time of the month," distancing them from women's health issues. Nevertheless, black men must take greater responsibility in increasing their awareness of diseases that afflict their mothers, sisters, daughters, wives and friends.

For example, some studies have shown that 80 percent of all black women suffer from some form of fibroid disease, yet most black men are oblivious to the effects of the disease. Could you imagine a disease that afflicted 80 percent of black men that black women would be largely ignorant of?

In many ways our willing ignorance about black women's health issues represents a form of abuse. As healthcare issues remain critical to black America, it is incumbent on black men to get serious about finding out about the diseases that affect the women in our communities with the same passion that some of us have begun to address domestic violence.

Originally Published @ theGrio.com

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Saturday, July 18, 2009

Baseball: Where Are All the Black Men and Boys?



Running Away from Baseball
by Mark Anthony Neal
July 14, 2009

When the rosters for Major League Baseball's All-Star Game were announced, only 10 black players, including the Orioles' Adam Jones, were among the 64 picked for the American League and National League rosters. Among the 16 players chosen as starters by fan vote, only Derek Jeter of the Yankees is African-American.

The 1979 All-Star Game, by contrast, featured 16 African-American players, including seven starters and seven future Hall-of-Famers.

In 2009, a little more that 10 percent of all Major League Baseball players are black - the first increase in more than a decade but still a far cry from the close to 30 percent mark achieved in the mid-1970s. The diminishing presence of African-American players has reached such a point that many historically black colleges and universities explicitly recruit white and Latino players to field full-fledged teams.

There are many theories about the decline. Some cite the inability of Major League Baseball to successfully market the game to black youth like the National Basketball Association and National Football League do. And although it generally costs less to attend a baseball game than an NBA or NFL game, some do cite the expense as a deterrent, a charge that golfer Tiger Woods recently reiterated when talking about ticket prices at the new Yankee Stadium.

Then there's the increase of international players, particularly from Asia and Latin America. The latter dynamic led Gary Sheffield, a black 20-year veteran, to suggest to GQ magazine in 2007 that the increased presence of Latino players was due to the fact they were "easier to control."

One explanation is that many poor youth are simply challenged by the lack of available space and equipment to play baseball. Longtime music executive and baseball fan Bill Stephney suggests another reason for the diminishing presence of black baseball players. According to Mr. Stephney, baseball lost legitimacy in black communities when black fathers became marginalized in those same communities.

There is merit in Mr. Stephney's observation. Unlike basketball, which youngsters can learn by watching older youth play the game, the game of baseball requires a certain level of organization and instruction that, very often, only adults can provide. Indeed, my own father sparked my interest in baseball as a youth; I can't imagine I would have become interested in the sport without his involvement.

My father belonged to a post- World War II generation of American men who were youths themselves when Jackie Robinson broke the sport's color barrier, an act loudly cheered by those struggling against legal segregation.

It bears noting that among the current black ballplayers in the majors a significant number are sons of former majors leaguers, including John Mayberry Jr. of the Phillies, Gary Matthews Jr. of the Angels and Prince Fielder of the Brewers. All three fathers - John Mayberry Sr., Gary Matthews Sr. and Cecil Fielder - were All-Stars during their careers.

More telling are the examples of brothers Dmitri and Delmon Young and B.J. and Justin Upton. The Young brothers were the first siblings to be drafted among the first five picks of baseball's amateur draft in 1991 and 2003, respectively, and the Uptons were among the top two picks in the 2002 and 2005 drafts. Both sets of brothers talk about how their fathers were instrumental in their careers, with baseball serving as the common language that bridged the generation gap.

The late Buck O'Neil, a veteran of the Negro Leagues and later one of baseball's great ambassadors, once suggested that kids never recall going to their first basketball game with their fathers - but that is often the case with baseball.

Last month, President Barack Obama promoted the importance of being a good dad, saying he wanted to start a "national conversation" on the subject. Maybe part of that conversation could take place on a baseball diamond, with fathers and sons and a bag filled with balls, bats and gloves.

***

Mark Anthony Neal, a lifelong New York Mets fan, teaches African-American Studies at Duke University. He is the author of several books, including the recent "New Black Man."

Copyright © 2009, The Baltimore Sun


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Wednesday, June 17, 2009

Book Review: Ain't I a Feminist?: African American Men Speak Out on Fatherhood, Friendship, Forgiveness, and Freedom


special to NewBlackMan

Ain’t I a Feminist?:
African American Men Speak Out on Fatherhood, Friendship, Forgiveness, and Freedom
by Aaronette White
(State University of New York Press, 2008)

Reviewed by Chantel K. Liggett

***

In Ain’t I a Feminist, Aaronette White proves that progressive feminist thought and action is not foreign to present-day African American men. Even more important, however, is the way in which she helps to “demystify the process” leading these men to, and sustaining their investments in, various forms of lived feminism (199). While brilliantly organizing the narratives of the twenty self-identified feminist, profeminist, or anti-sexist men she studied into seven thematic chapters, providing helpful contextualizations and frameworks within which to understand their experiences, the evaluation she does is so fluid and congruent with the men’s experiences, it undeniably gives their words and thought processes precedence over any theory or analysis thereof. As she puts it, “how men learn to confront patriarchy and become feminists can be understood through the narratives of those who are living the experience”(193). In permitting her subjects to lead by example, White provides what can be thought of as a blueprint for the cultivation of black male feminism.

The key ingredients of lived black male feminism are “humility, emotional openness, empathy, nurturing, dialog, accountability, mutuality, power sharing, and nonviolence,” offers White, focusing on the way feminist values are internalized and continually practiced on a day-to-day basis by the men in her study (199). Beyond questioning societal structures and practices like marriage, monogamy, religion, Black Power nationalist movements, violence, workplace gender dynamics, female domesticity, homophobia/heterosexism, and authoritative or removed fatherhood, these men reflect critically on their humanity, personal development, and relationships; White centers these processes as providing a wealth of knowledge about the implementation of feminist thought. Quoting James Baldwin as saying, “Not only was I not born to be a slave: I was not born to hope to become the equal of the slave-master,” she points to the importance of feminist men striving to occupy social positions more meaningful than those of dominators (59).

More than once White uses the phrase “vigilant practices” to describe the behavioral work of feminist men. Giving credit where credit is due, she does not overlook negative bouts in the men’s feminist development, which she calls “contamination” experiences, and outlines the difficultly with which men maintain feminist lifestyles. As one of her participants says, it is easy to fall into the trap of believing one has “already made it” as a feminist, when feminism is really a continual process of revaluation and renewal (122). Another participant offers that Black male feminists also sometimes (accidentally or purposely) revert to the “male thing” (104). Elaborating on this, White states, “Feminist Black men’s use of male dominant behaviors can be subtle, unconscious, and used as a coping device when they feel threatened” (101). Given that feminism requires a radical resocialization of males, she stresses that male feminists need not be flawless, and that it would be unrealistic to expect them to. “Egalitarianism requires not perfection but effort mixed with humility,” she says, demonstrating the importance of willingness in feminist development (96). A large portion of such willingness takes the form of speaking about, listening to, and being perceptive of both ‘larger’ issues and everyday occurrences regarding gender; what White chronicles the power of in Ain’t I a Feminist is the recurrence of such seemingly simply acts. Furthermore, in “directing attention to these practices,” White “counters the popular tendency to view a person’s gender identity as fixed or as developed primarily through childhood socialization,” instead naming it an ongoing, conscious process that individuals have a large degree of control over(84).

Aaronette White further commits to detailing and addressing the patterns of specific environments and resources that have had the biggest influence on her subjects’ feminist development. Demonstrating that becoming a feminist is not something one does alone, White seeks to pinpoint what has led these men in that direction, coming to the solid conclusion that intimate friendships or romances with feminist women and institutional settings that support feminist thinking are the key portals through which they gain access and further their development. Speaking of the importance of his romantic and sexual attraction to a feminist woman in aiding his feminist development, one subject says, “I don’t believe many men will put much effort into trying to correct themselves if the person who is trying to correct them is not someone who they are committed to and who is important to them” (89). As White highlights, many of the men in her study posited feminist-thinking women as strong, firm, and challenging, prompting, if not forcing, them to reevaluate patriarchal beliefs and practices. In this way, White emphasizes the importance of female feminist thinkers opening up to and working with men, and vice versa, as opposed to having separatist movements. Friendships with feminist women offer men “insider perspectives” (112), she says, and such relationships frequently provide “constructive criticism,” “practicing ground,” “safe spaces” for feminist growth (116). Furthermore, simply being around other feminists helped her subjects legitimate or free their potential male feminist identities, in providing a “mutually understood and shared relational reality that affirms another’s identity” (121).

The men’s reliance on institutional encouragement and support of feminist thought is most evident in Chapter Four, titled “Turning Points,” in which White charts the men’s substantial shifts in their thoughts about or relationship to feminism. “Their exposure to open-minded and radical, social justice-oriented institutions,” most often universities, “and their active participation to support racial and economic injustice often provided the foundation for subsequent feminist views and practices,” she observes (87). White utilizes these findings by challenging black feminists and their communities to recreate such environments where they are lacking, to facilitate the development of feminist consciousnesses in willing boys and men who would not otherwise have access. She boldly recommends the development women’s studies curricula in elementary and high schools and calls for a multiplicity of community campaigns that would allow black men to develop feminist consciousness in settings closer to home, providing her readers a lasting challenge.

Notably, aside from chronicling the paths of twenty black men to feminism, White’s groundbreaking work demonstrates effortlessly that “when one is pressured to view one’s humanity in terms of ‘being a man’ or ‘being a woman,’ what it means to be human is lost, truncated, stereotyped, and taken less seriously” (120). What these men gain from their commitment to feminism is indefinable but shines through their stories, impossible to ignore. In giving public voice to these men in the way she has, White sets forth a compelling model for other present-day as well as future men to grab on to.

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Chantel K. Liggett is an undergraduate at Duke University pursuing a Women's Studies Major and Study of Sexualities Certificate. She is currently conducting research on 'queer' resistance to concrete categories of identity by Dutch nationals and Surinamese migrants in Amsterdam

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Friday, August 1, 2008

The Middle of the Aisle Shuffle

from NewsOne.com/Left of Black

FISA VOTE UNDERSCORES OBAMA’S MOVE TO THE CENTER

by Mark Anthony Neal

Throughout his presidential run, Barack Obama’s meandering around the political center has long been attributed to his political pragmatism. In recent weeks, however, beginning with Obama's Father’s Day attack on black men and his subsequent shift on FISA (the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act), it has been easy to read Obama as placating some amorphous political center.

Barack Obama's "sudden" move towards the political center exposes the rather pronounced gap between the Illinois senator's true political identity and the symbolic meanings that so many have attached to his candidacy.

Obama’s Republican opponents, of course, have tried in earnest to depict him as the most liberal member of the United States Senate. Indeed, Obama’s voting record is fair game in highlighting legitimate ideological differences between the two major presidential candidates. But to portray Obama as a traditional left of liberal politician is to distort the realities of the contemporary political landscape.

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