Showing posts with label Reverend Al Sharpton. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Reverend Al Sharpton. Show all posts

Tuesday, April 5, 2011

Obama Carefully Courts Black Votes with Sharpton



Obama Carefully Courts Black Votes with Sharpton
Jesse Washington, AP National Writer

He avoids race, so the story goes. He can't afford to alienate white voters, black people will vote for him again anyway, so he has little to gain by approaching such a volatile subject.

Yet on Wednesday, President Barack Obama is scheduled to make a foray into racial territory by speaking in New York at the Rev. Al Sharpton's national convention — an early step on the tricky path that Obama must navigate in order to engage black voters who are crucial to his re-election.

On the one hand, there's nothing unusual about a president fulfilling a campaign promise made to a staunch political ally whose radio show is broadcast in 40 cities each weekday. Nor is it odd for Obama, who has spoken to other civil rights groups, to connect with Sharpton, a frequent White House visitor whose fame flows from his aggressive brand of black advocacy.

Aside from the timing of Obama's speech — two days after his re-election bid was made official — Wednesday's events at the National Action Network gathering are heavily political. Obama's top campaign aide, David Axelrod, is to address a special plenary, followed by the secretaries of education and housing, the attorney general and the EPA administrator.

Obama remains highly popular among blacks. In 2008, 95 percent of blacks who voted chose Obama. In a Gallup poll last week, 84 percent of blacks approved of Obama's overall performance, about the same percentage as six months ago.

So why all the attention now?

It's actually harder for Obama to reach out to black voters than it would be for a white president, said Mark Anthony Neal, an African-American studies professor at Duke University, "because there's a narrative that he's catering to a black constituency."

"Obama needs Al Sharpton as a certain kind of surrogate for black voters," Neal said. "Symbolically, his willingness to speak at the convention is a subtle message to black voters that he is paying attention to their concerns.

"Because that's the other side of the narrative ... there is a heavy critique of Obama among black voters for not being cognizant and attentive enough to issues affecting the black community."

A factor in this dilemma is the view among some whites that the president gives blacks favorable treatment. Carol Swain, a Vanderbilt University political science professor and Obama critic, called that view a misperception, but said it was fed by cases like the New Black Panther voter intimidation lawsuit and the Justice Department asking Dayton, Ohio, to lower its police exam passing score because too few black applicants passed.

This dynamic may have made Obama "overly defensive" about race, said Bill Anderson, a host on the Philadelphia black talk radio station WURD.

"But think about it," Anderson said. "If the president speaks to an entire room of white people, nobody says he's alienating society. But if you go to an organization that's dealing with (issues) important to society but from an African-American perspective, all of a sudden, you're a separatist."

That's how some view Sharpton.

As his National Action Network celebrates 20 years of fighting for social change and justice, Sharpton's methods and image have evolved. President George W. Bush publicly praised him for leadership on education, and Sharpton joined arch-conservative Newt Gingrich on a 2009 national tour advocating for better schools.

Six Democratic presidential candidates came to Sharpton's convention in 2007, and Sharpton remembers Obama promising that win or lose, he would return. Now Obama will be the first sitting president to attend.

Yet some still consider Sharpton to be the rabble-rousing, pompadoured agitator of the 1980s who spread Tawana Brawley's unproven claim about being sexually assaulted by white men and, in a separate case, exhorted protests that ended with eight dead at a Jewish-owned store in Harlem.

Sharpton is used to the criticism, even when it comes from black people. "It's a burden you bear gladly," he said in an interview. "I'm doing a job people would rather not see done."

The National Action Network website lists 42 chapters nationwide and claims 200,000 members. In addition to his 40-city radio reach, Sharpton is on satellite radio and leads a weekly Harlem rally.

"I'm probably talking to more people than most activists have ever done," Sharpton said. "I know what's on people's minds, and I'm able to mobilize them."

He also has a strong connection to what Obama adviser and Harvard University law professor Charles Ogletree once called "the streets ... the people who are voiceless, faceless and powerless."

These are the people bearing the brunt of the 15.5 percent black unemployment rate reported in March, up from 15.3 percent in February. The overall national rate in March was 8.8 percent, a two-year low.

The president "is going with Sharpton to show us some support some kind of way," Ilsa Lilly Fields, a black woman, said as she left a West Philadelphia drugstore Tuesday.

Fields made a face when Sharpton's name was mentioned: "He's just loud and always in everyone's business. He's not a helpful person."

But she said Obama was doing the best he could to help blacks: "We're a patient people. We know what Obama has to do. We're just waiting for him to do it."

Swain, the political scientist, said even though Obama has not addressed black issues, blacks remain protective of him — "almost like a member of the family."

"Black people are in many ways worse off today than they have been in decades," she said. "They're worse off than if there was a white president, because a white president has to do something for the black community. Obama doesn't have to do anything."

Across the street from the drugstore, inside Yock's Sandwich-Ville USA, out-of-work plumber Benjamin Ryan said many whites in his union complain that Obama is favoring blacks.

"It's just the way they're raised," said Ryan, who is white. "It's far from the truth, but it's what they're exposed to."

Ryan's wife, Sharletta, who is black, said Obama visiting Sharpton's conference is just "playing a typical game of politics." She approves of his performance as president, but called Sharpton a "race pimp."

Ryan predicted Obama would not get as many white votes in 2012 as he did in 2008, "so getting out the black vote is going to be huge."

Anderson, the talk show host, said Obama's visit sends a message: "This is something I need to do, and (critics) are just going to have to deal with it."

___

Jesse Washington covers race and ethnicity for The Associated Press. He is reachable at jwashington(at)ap.org or www.twitter.com/jessewashington.

Monday, March 29, 2010

What the Black Agenda is Not



What the Black Agenda Is Not
By Tara Bynum, Ph.D.

“What is the ‘black agenda’?” It is the question that opens Tavis Smiley’s latest summit, “We Count! The Black Agenda is the American Agenda,” to hold an elected official—namely, President Barack Obama—accountable to the needs of the Black community. In asking it, Smiley attempts to define the terms of the conversation that will proceed among his 12 highly esteemed guests, including Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, Sr., Dr. Cornel West, Dr. Julianne Malveaux, Angela Glover Blackwell, and Dorothy Wright Tillman. Even as his panelists wrestled with the terms of their engagement, the question remained largely unanswered over the course of the four-hour program.

What became clearer rather was the converse of the question—“what is not the Black agenda?” With only 4 women at a table of 12, it was clear that the “Black agenda” is not one that has room for women to participate equally in the discussion. Even the idea of the “Black agenda” assumes that race exists separate and distinct from the experience of gender. Implicit in the idea of a “Black agenda”—a plan of action that addresses a singular, homogenous collective—is a gender neutrality that does not actually exist in the everyday lives of Black women and men. The “Black agenda” is not one that confronts the sexism that overlooks women’s issues like rape, domestic violence, or the increased rates of incarceration and infant mortality among Black women. To do so would admit that which is not spoken—sexism exists even within the Black community.

The “Black agenda” is not yet ready to confront the gendered privilege that allows Minister Farrakhan to describe chutzpah as a “testicular fortitude” and permits Dr. Michael Eric Dyson to respond mockingly with the seemingly more gender friendly definition, “ovarian audacity.” Even as Dr. Malveaux admonished Minister Farrakhan for using “genderized” language, the awkward chuckles of the panelists and audience members masked the curious ways in which women’s issues—particularly those related to issues of reproduction—seemed shut out of the conversation.

Just as Tavis Smiley calls upon us to hold our elected officials accountable, it is time to hold our non-elected leaders, those public intellectuals, accountable as well. We cannot continue to imagine the Black community as a one of men with a singular history and political agenda. Our leaders do us a grave disservice when they create opportunities for and participate in discussions that do not speak to the very diversity that is Black America. Though I commend Tavis Smiley for organizing this roundtable, I am nonetheless dismayed that Black women remain marginal to the conversation despite the varied ways in which our concerns have been downplayed against those of Black men. I am disheartened by the lack of younger scholars, activists and students at the table.

Though there is still much to be done, it is time to recognize the ways in which this new generation has used the technology of this age to advance its political agendas and organize its peer groups. It’s time for intergenerational conversations that build bridges within our community rather than point the blame. It’s time recognize that the Black agenda is comprised of many agendas that reflect the complexity that is so much a part of our various lived experiences. It’s time to admit, as Zora Neale Hurston does, that we are not “tragically colored” women and men, but instead we bear a legacy that allows us to dream and achieve on a grand scale—without which there would be no clear agendas for the Black women and men that strive daily to change their communities.

***

Tara Bynum, Ph.D is an Assistant Professor of African-American literature at Towson University.

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